Nothing has
changed in the past decades. It has become a regular item in the news reports.
No days passes without it. We’re talking about the “traffic monster”.
Normally the news reader says: “We have sad news for you again, the
traffic monster demanded another victim.” Most of the times, the deceased
are unknown to us. But we damn the traffic monster: “God damn it, it
demands thousands of victims each year.” It hurts, we are saddened because
most victims are part of us, part of the people.

The traffic accident on November 3 initially seemed like just another accident.
But the news programs opened with it, it was not at the end as usual because
the people involved were not just people like that.

The accident occurred in Susurluk. Police chief Huseyin Kocadag died when a
brand new Mercedes crashed into a lorry, member of parliament Sedat Bucak was
seriously injured. There were two more victims inside the car, one of them was
a woman. At first not much attention was paid to these two, because they were
not as known as the others. But this all changed within half an hour. It was Abdullah
Catli who changed everything and who brought the naked truth into the open. It
was the “state” who crashed. The passengers in the car immediately
became symbols, the representatives of the present Turkish state, maintaining
the system and the ruling powers.

The discussions in the bourgeois media partly revealed the truth about the
filth the state is in, showing its decay, revealing that it is the state itself
which produces this filth. The discussions about the drug trafficking, murders,
disappearances, the contacts between the Mafia, the police, members of
parliament and civic fascists revealed the existence of “secret focal
points” within the state, in other words: the existence of the
contra-guerrilla. The truth, spoken by revolutionaries from several sides, is
now apparent for the people. Of course the discussions are just about a part of
the truth, and while the discussions go on, the state tries to improve its
image again.

The existence of the contra-guerrilla and its activities can no longer be denied.
But they try to pretend this organisation and its activities are just about a
tiny group within the state. In this way they try to create a base for covering
up this issue, before it all escalates. All take part in this game, all
bourgeois parties, from the CHP till the DSP, to begin with Mesut Yilmaz,
presented as the most radical of the opposition.

At this point it is the task of the revolutionaries, patriots and democrats to
not allow that the truth, coming into the open because of Susurluk, is covered
up again. We must make the people conscious about this case, leading them into
the direction of the struggle.


contra-guerrilla organisations in Europe, becoming public in 1990, originate
from the CIA and were planned “against a communist government, against the
danger of a communist occupation”.

The responsibles, who acknowledged the existence of the contra-guerrilla
organisations, said the secret organisations were set up to fight behind the
enemy lines like a guerrilla force in case of such a threat, organising the
people against the enemy. The necessary weapons, ammunition and equipment were
kept in depots in several parts of the country. Contra-guerrilla organisations
were set up in all NATO-countries and also in European countries which were no
members of NATO. All these organisations were joined under the name
“Super-NATO” and a central council was established. But why did
imperialism, or the USA, think this organisation necessary?

The USA, emerged from the 2. Imperialist War of distribution of 1939-1945 as
the strongest state which gained the most. The USA used this opportunity to
impose itself as the world police force of all imperialist systems. Its goal
was achieving world domination. “The communist danger” was supposed
to be the largest obstacle. They wanted to cut of the path for communism,
giving it not an inch of land. Therefore the strategy of the “Cold
War” was developed. Truman presented the framework of this strategy in a
speech before Congress on March 12, 1947, giving the signal for the “Cold
War”. According to the decided strategies, the “free” states
were given economical as well as military support and it was “not allowed
that these states walk into the trap of communism”. But the USA declared
as well that the aid depended on “the enlargement of the human liberty and
democratic organisations and the securing of a liberal economy and governments,
parties and groups which oppose the plan of the USA will be confronted with
counter-measures by the USA.” The USA wanted, according to its strategy
for achieving world domination, to install collaborating governments in all
countries. The economical side of this strategy was to find accomplices which
were prepared to co-operate with the USA, controlling the economy of these
countries with the support of these collaborators. In this way they wanted to
decide the economies of the countries and gaining influence upon the

CIA, Organizer Of
The International


In the military
field a joint military organisation, NATO, was formed “against the
communist block”. But this was not enough for the USA and in the `50’s
they began to set up contra-guerrilla organisations in all NATO-states, using
the CIA as a model. Not even the parliaments in these countries knew anything
about the existence of these organisations. These secret contra-guerrilla
organisations were not just set up against the external threat of “a
communist occupation”, they were also supposed to oppress all revolutionary
and democratic movements which opposed the interests of the USA. This means the
contra-guerrilla was supposed to fight the own people in the countries where it
was set up.

“Our security is not only threatened by open attacks. Besides these open
attacks there are even more dangerous threats of another nature, not looking to
be attacks. These dangers are changes which are wanted in the interior of the
countries. Such masked attacks sometimes appear as civil wars, sometimes as a
revolutionary movement, and sometimes as a democratic or reform movement. It’s
our goal to prevent these, and similar, movements.” (Report of the
Rockefeller Foundation, American War Doctrine, p. 297)

The CIA trained the members of several contra-guerrilla organisation in training
camps in the USA and other states. At the International Police Academy, near
Washington, contra-guerrilla tactics of interrogation and torture are taught.
Seminars are held about the social problems in different countries, about the
destructivity and the agressivity of communism, attacks with explosives are
with the help of films, near the Mexican border, in the vicinity of Matamaros,
technics of silently killing people, like stabbing and strangulation, are
taught under supervision of the Green Berets. At the US-base in Panama,
officers were trained how to conduct a military coup. Until 1975, 30.000-40.000
people were trained here. In 1963 alone, 82 generals were trained. Around 1.400
officers were trained there annually. The coup leaders of Chile and Argentina
followed courses there. The prime-minister of Mexico, Luis Echeveria, was a
CIA-agent at the same time. He is mentioned in the CIA-archives under code-name
Litempo-14. One of the former government leaders in Costa Rica, Jose Figures,
stated he had served the CIA for 30 years, and the same was true for many
government leaders in Latin-America.

The Source Of The
Necessary Personnel:

Old Nazi’s

have shown the CIA used wanted Nazi’s and fascists to set up the
contra-guerrilla and to improve its tactics. The expert of psychological
warfare Henry Kissinger had close relations with old Nazi’s. He told them about
his experiences with the US-government and he made them a proposition: “In
Germany there is a great hate against the Soviet-Union, especially in Eastern
Germany. However, this feeling is expressed nowhere because there is no
organisation, no focal point. To steer this feeling, the Germans must be
organised. […] When America does not use these groups, the communists will
use them.”

The contra-guerrilla organisation, initially set up “against the danger of
a communist occupation” in reality served to give the USA control over the
countries in question and to hand them over the neo-colonialised countries.


In The European Countries

In 1990 the
contra-guerrilla organisation, known as GLADIO, was discovered. After this, all
over Europe the existence of contra-guerrilla organisations was revealed.


“To discover one is the only person, except for the members of this
organisation, who knows about the existence of Gladio, and thinking about it
that they could kill you any moment, is a terrible feeling”, said state
prosecutor Felice Casson who tracked Gladio.

After a long investigation the Italian Gladio was discovered. A bomb attack
near Triest in 1972 in which 3 people were killed was brought to court in 1989
by state prosecutor Felice Casson. The more his investigations progressed, the
closer he came to Gladio, but the solving of the case was prevented by the secret
service and prime-minister Andreotti. Despite the attempts to cover up the
events, the state had top acknowledge the existence of Gladio. The
investigations revealed 622 members, 138 secret arms depots and a training camp
in Sardinia. An arms depot was discovered in Northern Italy in 1988, containing
127 weapons and explosives. This depot was controlled by the Italian
intelligence service SISMI.

Gladio. The state attorney Felice Casson, who was entrusted with investigating
it, found that the Gladio was founded in October 1956 by the USA and the
Italian secret service SIMSI. Every year the CIA sent 20 to 30 million dollars
since the 1950s for anticommunist activities in Italy.

Moreover, there were close contacts between the organisation and President Cossiga,
the P2 masonic lodge, and Prime Minister Andreotti, who in 1993 was accused of
mafia membership.

In the P2 lodge discovered in 1981, there were 2,500 members, of whom 47 were
industrialists, 119 were bankers and representatives of high finance, 43 were
generals, 6 were ministers or state secretaries in the government, 18 were
leading members of the judiciary, 22 were leading journalists, 38 were
parliament deputies and one was the CIA resident in Rome, Howard Stone. After
numerous failed coup attempts, the P2 had the task of undermining all important
positions in the state and bringing a dictatorship of the fascist type to

Known members of P2 include Silvio Berlusconi and Giulio Andreotti, who at the
moment is facing trial for mafia membership and leadership of the Gladio.

The actions in which the Gladio was shown to be involved:

* Three fascist putsch attempts: 1964, 1969 and 1973.

* The bomb at the Piazza Fontana in Milan in December 1996, in which 16 were
killed and 80 wounded.

* The May 1973 bomb in a police station in Milan, in which three people died.

* The 1980 bomb in the Bologna railway station which cost more than 80 lives.
For this attack the known fascist Stefano delle Chiae was sentenced, but
nonetheless he organised the international drugs trade unhindered and also had
contact with Abdullah Catli.

* The murder of three gendarmes with a car bomb in May 1988.

With the uncovering of the Gladio, the ties between the Italian government, the
mafia and the CIA as well as to contra-guerrillas in other countries became
known. But despite the major scandal that this caused as well as the de facto
removal of the Christian Democrats from power, there have been scarcely any
sentences or even charges so far. None of the generals responsible for coup
attempts were dismissed from the army. Against Giulio Andreotti there are
several trials in progress, but through his seat in the Senate which he holds
for life, he possesses permanent immunity and need fear no sentence being


The French contra-guerrilla organisation was called “Windrose”.
Defence minister Jean Pierre Chevenement stated the contra-guerrilla was
founded in the ’50s and that the organisation had been dissolved by president
Mitterand. However, an Italian source revealed the French contra-guerrilla
organisation had been present at a meeting of representatives from all
contra-guerrilla organisations, the so-called “Super-NATO” in
Brussels as late as October 1990.


The socialist government of Felipe Gonzales, coming to power in 1984, at first
denied the existence of a contra-guerrilla organisation in Spain. But defence
minister Narcis Serra ordered a investigation committee, without participation
of the military. It was known that contra-guerrilla organisations existed during
the junta of Franco and that Franco participated in talks with fascist
politicians and European military leaders. A Italian member of Gladio stated on
television that Gladio, together with Spanish contra-guerrilla’s, had been
trained on the Canary Islands by the American army. Later there had been
training centres and contra-guerrilla sections in Spain itself as well,
supported by the Spanish military. The official denials were exposed as lies.

The activities of the Spanish contra-guerrilla were even more disclosed after a
statement by a policeman in 1994. The policeman stated the bookkeeper Galey,
accused of being a member of ETA, had never had any relations with ETA in the
first place, and that he had been kidnapped by the Spanish contra-guerrilla
organisation GAL. After these revelations, a new investigation was ordered and
a trial was opened. The investigation revealed that between 1983 and 1987 at
least 23 people, accused of being ETA-members, had been kidnapped and murdered
by the GAL.


The Belgium contra-guerrilla organisation “Glaive” was established in
1949 in co-operation between England and a subdivision of the Belgium military
intelligence service SGR, the SDRAB. The core of this contra-guerrilla
organisation was constituted by 8 officers in active duty and 10 pensioned


1990 the Dutch prime-minister Ruud Lubbers denied in a written statement to
parliament that a contra-guerrilla organisation existed. This was a lie.
Subsequent investigations revealed the existence of the secret contra-guerrilla
organisation “Operaties en Inlichtingen” (Operations and
Intelligence). This organisation receives 1.5 -3 million dollars each year from
a secret fund of the defence department. Several secret arms depots were
discovered like the one in Velp in 1983.


The Greek contra-guerrilla organisation is called “Sheepskin”. At
first the Greek government denied the existence of a contra-guerrilla
organisation as well. Prime-minister Papandreou did acknowledge the existence
of the Greek contra-guerrilla in a statement in October 1990, but he claimed to
have ordered its dissolvement after he had come to power in 1984. Greece became
NATO-member in 1952. That same year, the Greek “Central Information
Service KYB” was established. On March 25, 1955, the Greek chief of staff
Davos and the CIA officer Trascott signed the papers for the establishment of
the Greek contra-guerrilla organisation which was later known as
“Sheepskin”. The document was contra-signed by the then prime-minister
Papagos. The organisation had 1.500 members, a number which could be increased
to 3.500 in case of emergency. There were 800 depots to its disposal, filled
with weapons, munition and explosives. On April 21, 1967, KYB officers used a
plan dating from 1950, drawn up in case of a communist occupation, to carry out
a military coup. Within 20 minutes, the putchists controlled all major objects.
When the CIA, who backed the coup, convinced the junta of the possibility of a
similar coup to seize power on Cyprus, the way was opened for a military
intervention by Turkey on Cyprus. GERMANY:

The chief of the German contra-guerrilla organisation “Antikommunistische
Angriffstruppe” (Anti-communist Attack Force), the retired general
Reinhard Gehlen, was also chief of the federal intelligence service BND from
1945-1968. The German contra-guerrilla organisation is also known as
“Gehlen-Bewegung” (Gehlen Movement), “Stay Behind” and
“Sword”. The “Bund Deutscher Jugend” (German Youth
Federation), founded in 1950, is in the same tradition. A former agent of this
organisation, Dieter von Glahn, stated for the press that the BDJ was one of
the many organisations which were financed by the CIA.

One of the organisations in Germany, set up by the CIA, was “Peters
Organisation”, later known as “Technischer Dienst TD” (Technical
Service). The best agents of these organisations had the disposal of high-tech
radio equipment “Harbuna”, manufactured by AEG/TST, especially for
BND-agents. Germany supplies the contra-guerrilla organisations in other countries
with “training and requisites”. Near Munich, the US 20. Special
Forces had its headquarters, and the “School for Counter-Insurgency”
was situated in Ober-Ammergau. Contra-guerrilla members from many countries,
not just from NATO-countries, were trained in camps in Bayern/Bad Toelz and


The contra-guerrilla organisation in Switzerland was set up in 1950 as
“Geheime Abwehr Organisation” (Secret Resistence Organisation).
Investigations showed the organisation kept files about 1/6 of all Swiss, that
is more than 900.000 Swiss. The GAO belonged to the Intelligence and
Counter-intelligence Service (UNA), directed by the chiefs of staff. Although
not a NATO-country, the chiefs of the Swiss contra-guerrilla participated in
the meetings of “Super-NATO” in Belgium. An investigation by a
parliamentary committee revealed the existence of the organisation
“Project-26” (P-26), as well as several arms and explosives depots in
Switzerland. The members of P-26 were trained in a country which name was not
disclosed, and they possessed radio equipment which was used by secret NATO
organisations and which the Swiss army did not dispose of. This equipment was
supplied by the German BND. Furthermore, a special service (“Spez.
D”) was set up to facilitate the exchange of information between
Switzerland and NATO. This organisation had links with the German organisation
“Schwarze Hand” (Black Hand). AUSTRIA:

In October 1950, the Austrian minister of the Interior, Franz Olah, ordered an
attack against a workers’ strike in which communist workers participated as
well. After the strike was crushed, the scabs were brought together in a
organisation, the “OeWSGV” (Austrian Defence Sports and Friendship
Association). Franz Olah described the organisation as a “special
project” which was to be activated in case a communist government was to
be formed. The OeWSGV was equipped with a central headquarters, special radio
equipment, as well as arms and explosives depots in several places.


The contra-guerrilla organisations in the Scandinavian countries like Denmark,
Norway and the non-NATO countries Sweden and Finland were set up between 1951
and 1953 by William Colby who later became director of the CIA.

William Colby wrote in his memoirs that he received support of governments in
Norway and Denmark to set up the contra-guerrilla. In Sweden and Finland the
contra-guerrilla was organised in an illegal way with the help of right-wing
parties. In 1978, a large arms depot was discovered in Norway. The government
stated this depot was to be used in case of war. The roots of the
contra-guerrilla in Sweden can be traced back to the “Sveaborg Brothers in
Arms”. The people who were contacted, all belonged to independent
contra-guerrilla groups.

Was The Contra-Guerrilla In Europa Dissolved?

The scandalous
developments, suddenly becoming visible, and the existence of secret
organisations for some 40 years, revealed at roughly the same time in all
European countries and NATO-countries, except Turkey, as well as the fact that
this happened immediately after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, show this
has not been a natural development. The European countries did no longer need
these organisations, set up against the “communist threat” after the
Soviet Union split up. There is no longer a threat that Europe will be occupied
by the Soviet Union. In their view the danger of a revolution does no exist, at
least not for the near future. And even if such a threat would exist, without
support by the Soviet Union, such a threat could easily be suppressed. The
organisations, costing billions of dollars each year, became too much of a
burden for the European imperialists, and they wanted to get rid of this
burden. By keeping the contra-guerrilla organisations a secret, they proved
that these organisations carried out illegal actions, massacres and
provocations. Were similar organisations set up after these were dissolved?
That is not known. But it would be easy to imagine how these organisations
would look like and what kind of activities they would carry out.

The Existence Of The Contra-Guerrilla In Turkey Has Always Been

The contra-guerrilla first let itself be known during the May 12-Junta 1971
during the tortures in the Ziverbey villa. The torturers sometimes openly
admitted to the tortured to belong to the contra-guerrilla. The discussions
about whether or not such an organisation existed, started in those days, some
25 years ago. The discussions kept on. Something else did never end: the
denials of the existence of the contra-guerrilla by all subsequent governments.
It would probably be natural for the military and the police in a country to
deny the existence of a contra-guerrilla, but it is not for a delegate, chosen
into parliament to represent the people.

Some remain silent because they never opposed it, some because they co-operated
with them, or they supported them, and some remained silent when the people
were murdered under torture, just not to harm the state. They kept silent, and
they participated in all the crimes against the people.

The revelation of the existence of the contra-guerrilla organisations and
similar organisations in the European countries caused a closer look at the
contra-guerrilla in Turkey as well. The statement by the prime-minister of
Luxemburg, Jacques Santes on November 13, 1990: “The secret organisation
in Turkey is called contra-guerrilla”, forced the then officials to react.

Demirel, in those days in the opposition, stated: “There is no room for
such kind of organisations in a state of law. It has become a task of
parliament to combat these secret organisations which constitute a threat to
the people. The Turkish state can not step to the Turkish people with a
murderous image. Where are the state prosecutors?”

The SODEP (Social-democratic Party) chairman, Erdal Inonu, in the opposition
benches as well: “We expect a solution in this case about the
contra-guerrilla, but we’re not in the government now”.

Three years later. Demirel and Inonu are now part of the same government coalition,
and they speak about the contra-guerrilla quite differently.

Demirel: “Discussions about the contra-guerrilla just whips up things. An
ideology which tries to harm the state, which hides behind these events, must
be finished.”

Inonu: “The discussions about the contra-guerrilla endanger our government

Parliament Protocol Of March 2nd 1993 On The Subject Of The

Protocol of
parliament session on March 2, 1993 about the contra-guerrilla: “The
government opposes to make these false accusations, intended to harm our state,
a theme of investigation for our high parliament.” (Nevzat Ayaz, Defence
Minister, DYP)

“The number of murders by unknown perpetrators, risen to 600 in one year,
constitutes a great shame for the coalition government, for all of us and for
democracy. In case the request for an investigation is rejected today, this
would mean a wound for our democratic parliamentary regime. If our high
parliament misses this opportunity, it will have to account for history.”
(Algan Hacaloglu, CHP)

“Mister Demirel has said here: We wanted an investigation of the
contra-guerrilla, the sent a message not to stir up things. Apparently a
message was sent today as well to mister Demirel and mister Inonu to sent this
message through to the present opposition so they leave this matter as it is,
to put their own fractions under pressure.” (Hasan Mezarci, RP)

“There are certain reasons why this organisation has become the target of
these attacks. The reasons: to harm the security forces, corrupt its morale,
create internal problems, making them biased, making society despair about
these forces, getting society over to their side. To say it 2 words: shaking
the trust in the state.” (Baki Tug, DYP)

“In a time when the great masses do not have sufficient information, some
people, circles and even institutions wage campaigns which from time to time
even become actions. The goal is obvious: confusing the thoughts of the people,
harming the Turkish state and some of its institutions, destroying them.”
(M. Bahri Kibar, ANAP)

Founding Of The Contra-Guerrilla In Turkey

At the beginning
of the 1990s, the existence of contra-guerrilla organisations was revealed in
the NATO countries and in countries like Finland and Sweden, which did not
themselves belong to NATO. However, although Turkey is a NATO member, the
existence of a contra-guerrilla organisation in Turkey has always been denied.
Perhaps the European imperialist countries no longer have a need for
contra-guerrilla organisations, but the Turkish oligarchy will have a need for
it for a long time to come. It has never been possible here to put an end to
the revolutionary and the national liberation struggle, on the contrary: the
danger of a revolution has only become greater for the oligarchy.

Neither the oligarchy nor imperialism could live in peace with that. Therefore
the fight against the people was stepped up, especially at the beginning of the
1990s, and more and more use of the contra-guerrillas was made. With
disappearances, executions, massacres, coercing people to betray others,the
burning down of villages, provocations, forced emigration and denunciations of
revolutionaries and patriots, psychological warfare was increased, the
activities of the contra-guerrillas were institutionalised and became state

New organisations such as the Special Units and the secret service of the
military, JITEM, were set up, contra-guerrilla traitors were employed and the
“village guards” were legalised. Using such methods means waging war
against the people. But these methods of war against the people are nothing
new. They have been used before by the imperialists, especially by the USA and
its contra-guerrilla centre, the CIA, in their war against the peoples all over
the world.

When the USA began to enlarge and secure its capitalist world order after 1945,
contra-guerrilla organisations were set up in all the countries in the world it
could reach. The aim was not to protect these countries from the danger of
“communist occupation”, they actually wanted to prevent national
liberation struggles and revolutions in these countries, to bring collaborator
governments in power and keep them there with the help of the contra-guerrilla
organisations. In this way these countries were to be made dependent upon the
USA, and transformed into a constant resource for exploitation. Therefore
contra-guerrilla organisations were not only set up in the NATO countries, they
were set up in all countries which collaborated with the USA.

The military experts Peter Paret and John W. Shy described the goal of the USA
in this way: “The goal is to strengthen the authority of the governments
which are supported by the USA, securing their regimes.” (P. Paret and
J.W. Shy, Guerrillas in the 1960s, p. 42)

“The USA can and must deploy the contra-guerillas in crushing leftist or
non-leftist governments which are not acting according to the wishes of the
USA. […] It’s our goal to instal friendly governments instead of unfriendly
governments which are not acting in accordance with our interests.” (ib.

To achieve these goals, the USA planned coups in many countries, carried them
out themselves or supported those who did. The military coup of 1973 in Chile,
for example, was planned by the financial director of the American monopoly
ITT. The socialist president of Chile, Allende, who won elections
democratically, was brought down and his place was taken by a military junta.
In 1953, the CIA was involved in bringing down the government of Prime Minister
Mossadeq in Iran. Feyzullah Zahidi, brought into power in his place by the CIA,
had been a supporter of the Nazis. In Greece, the governments were controlled
by contra-guerrillas. Vietnam, Korea and other countries where the USA waged
open war, and Latin America, known as the “backyard of the USA”,
served as a laboratory for the contra-guerrilla. The contra-guerrilla in
Turkey, strengthened in the 1980s and actually forming the government, have
been waging an intensified war against the people since the 1990s, profiting
from the experiences the CIA had made in previous years in these countries.

The First Contra-Guerrilla Centre: The “Mobilisation

In 1947, the
government of the CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi – Republican People’s Party)
changed the system from a one-party system into a multi-party system, because
of relations with the imperialist countries, especially the USA. This phase has
been very important for Turkey. The relations with the USA rapidly developed
under the government of the DP (Democratic Party), led by Prime Minister Adnan
Menderes. In the general treaty with the USA and the European countries, Turkey
asked for economic aid in particular.

Under the Marshall Plan, influenced by the Truman Doctrine, this aid was
generously granted to bring the USA closer to its aim of world domination.
Although there was no written request by the USA or a corresponding treaty,
Turkey – on its own initiative – sent soldiers to Korea for the benefit of the
imperialists in order to show itself a reliable friend of the USA. On April 4,
1952, Turkey became a member of NATO. Under the “Treaty for Mutual
Defence”, Turkey signed many treaties which made it dependent of the
imperialists. As in all other NATO countries, a contra-guerrilla organisation
was set up in Turkey in 1952 against the “threat of a communist
occupation”, and this was called “Mobilisation Workgroup”. And
like in all founding member countries, the public and parliament were not
informed about the existence of the contra-guerrillas. Only the few who took
part in setting it up, knew about it. The contra-guerrilla, under the command
of the deputy chief of the general staff, was housed in the same building as
the US aid-organisation JUSMAAT, in Ankara/Bahcelievler. In 1965, the name was
changed to “Special Warfare Department”, and in 1990 it was renamed
“Special Forces Command”. Until 1974, the CIA took care of all the
costs and the training of the contra-guerrillas.

The Contra-Guerrilla And The CIA

Under the
“Being of Help” programme, and through the mediation of the CIA, prospective
contra-guerrillas were trained in schools or camps in the other imperialist
countries or the colonies. Among the trainees were officers, policemen as well
as civilians. They are trained by the USA, but not because the USA wants to be
of help. In the training camps and schools, the CIA contacts them and tries to
enlist them as CIA agents. It establishes an organisation of its own in all the
contra-guerrilla countries. And thus it governs all the countries it wants to
keep under its control through the contra-guerrillas. It works its way into the
most remote corners of the state, getting information about politicians, about
the latest developments, much quicker than those who are wielding official
power. It tries to get the policemen and military officers – who have become
its agents or who can easily be indoctrinated with its policy and even the
bureaucrats and politicians – into key positions in state bodies. During the
putsch and the military junta, these officers – who had become CIA agents – played
a major role.
In 1967, Secretary of Defence Robert McNamara explained US aims
state it even more openly, with the aid for Latin America we pursue the aim, if
necessary, to support the training of the military or paramilitaries to restore
much-needed internal peace, together with the police and the other security

actual reason for our military aid for these countries, where the military is
weakly developed, is to model them according to the ideology of the USA,to use
them, if necessary, in the future in governing these countries.”

Military Coup 1960

The war of the
contra-guerrillas against the people also increased opposition. Forty-four
years have passed since the contra-guerrillas were set up in Turkey. But in the
last five years considerable differences have appeared, both in relation to the
power it achieved in state bodies, as well as concerning the methods which are
being used in the war against the people. Certainly this is no coincidence.
When the oligarchy – through the contra-guerrillas – uses the most brutal and
cruel methods in the war it has opened against the people, then this stems from
its helplessness against the revolutionaries and the national struggle. In the
past they saw all its tools and methods weren’t sufficient to stop the
struggle, and now it’s forced to develop new methods and tools to continue the

Between 1950-1960 the US “policy of Cold War” was applied in a
radical manner in Turkey by the Democratic Party, led by Menderes.
“Communism and the Soviet Union” were supposed to be the biggest
enemies. In this period, in 1955, the contra-guerrillas carried out its first
operation: a bomb attack against the Ataturk House, a museum, in Thessalonika,
Greece. The government and the pro-government press used this event to provoke
the people. Fascists, organised by the provocations of the contra-guerrillas,
carried out attacks against houses, shops and workplaces of Armenians and
Greeks in Istanbul. These places were burned and destroyed.

But the bankruptcy of its economic policy caused an economic crisis and poverty
in the country and the Democratic Party suffered setbacks. The
contra-guerrillas increased their attacks against the opposition even more,
eventually leading to growth in the democratic opposition and the coup of May
27, 1960. The USA knew about this coup beforehand, but it became clear they
could not control the organising officers in the way they wanted. It’s true,
the fascist Alparslan Turkes, trained in the USA, initially took part in the
newly founded committee of national unity, but he and his friends were quickly
removed and sent into exile. Later he became the leader of the civilian fascist
movement the MHP (the Nationalist Action Party).

In the mid-1960s the mass actions started. In 1967, DISK (Revolutionary Trade
Union Confederation) was founded and the organisation of the workers rapidly
developed. From 1968 onward, the discussions among the left increased and the
revisionist line of the TKP (Turkish Communist Party) and the TIP (Turkish
Labour Party) was considered obsolete. Large parts of the youth disassociated
themselves from this line. First the FKF (Debating Club Federation, theoratical
led by Mahir Cayan) was founded, and later the Devrimci Genclik (Revolutionary
Youth). The contra-guerrillas were more and more used against the growing and
radicalising opposition which began to strive for revolution. A civilian
organisation of the contra-guerrillas, the fascist MHP movement, began to
organise in this period. From 1967 the civilian fascists were trained in the
commando camps of the contra-guerrillas. Alparslan Turkes is the leader of this
movement. Nihat Yazar, former chairman of the MHP disciplinary committee, who
later left the party, reported in a statement to the paper Politika about the participation
of Alparslan Turkes in the coup of 1960: “The contacts between Alparslan
Turkes, who was involved in the coup, and the CIA, began in those days.”

Against the growing people’s opposition, the state began to make use of the
civil fascists, as well as the police and the military.

Military Coup 1971

Since the 1960s,
provocative actions have been part of the methods of the contra-guerrilla to
increase the impact of its psychological warfare. The March 12 coup and many
sabotage actions were carried out. And attempts were made to make it look as if
the revolutionaries were the perpetrators. A large-scale smear campaign was
launched against the revolutionaries. Some of these actions are listed below:

* A red flag was hung from the Galata Tower in Istanbul.

*The Ataturk Cultural Palace in Taksim/Istanbul was burned.

* A ferry was sunk in Eminonu/Istanbul.

* A bomb attack against the Sirkeci Train Station in Istanbul.

* A bomb attack against the Ataturk Airport in Yasilkoy/Istanbul.

* The Marmara ferry was set on fire.

With such provocative actions,the contra-guerrillas used terror against the
revolutionaries, democrats and intellectuals. Hundreds of people were arrested
and tortured. But as always in these types of actions, the perpetrators were
never found.

The Beginning Of The Mass Execution

With the coup of
March 12, 1971, the contra-guerrillas became even stronger. Unlike the coup on
May 27, 1960, the contra-guerrillas played a major role. During the junta, the
name of the contra-guerrillas could most be heard in Istanbul/Erenkoy, in the
torture centre in the Ziverbey House. In this period the contra-guerrilla chief
of the general staff was Memduh Tagmac.

Later the organisations of the contra-guerrillas, the fascist MHP, and the
support bases of the fascists gained in strength. From 1974, when the
revolutionary struggle began to increase, the attacks by civilian fascist gangs
began anew. The fascist gangs wanted to control the schools, neighbourhoods and
villages in the entire country. The oligarchy wanted to strangle the growing
opposition by imposing a fascist occupation. This caused the masses, forced
into the class struggle, to organise the anti-fascist struggle. Although
several opportunistic and revisionist organisations behaved passively towards the
fascist attacks, resistance was mounted in the schools and the neighbourhoods.
Large sacrifices were made and thousands of revolutionaries and patriots fell.
But the fascist plan was frustrated. The attempts by the fascists to seize
places by force were largely disrupted in all parts of the country.

When the growing opposition could no longer be halted with the help of
state-supported fascist attacks, the oligarchy had no other option left than to
carry out a military coup. Between 1975-1980, most contra-actions were carried
out by civilian fascists. In this period, revolutionaries and patriots were
mostly kidnapped, tortured and murdered by organisations like ETKO (Salvation
Army for the Imprisoned Turks, led by MHP-fascists) and the TIT (Turkish Revenge
Brigade). The murdered people were put in sacks and dumped The
contra-guerrillas carried out the most shocking and conspicuous mass executions
in this period:

* May Day, 1977: people on the streets are shot at by snipers in buildings and
crushed by tanks. The death of 36 people was a starting signal for a veritable
wave of mass executions.

* March 16, 1978: In front of the University of Istanbul democratic and
revolutionary students were shot when they left the university building. Later
seven students are murdered in a bomb attack.

* October 8, 1978: seven students who were members of the TIP (Turkish Labour
Party), were murdered in their houses in Ankara/Bahcelievler by fascists.
Abdullah Catli was one of those responsible for this massacre.

* October 1978: Four students were taken from a bus by fascists in Istanbul and

* December 21, 1978: Before the massacre in Kahramanmaras, two teachers,
members of the TOB-DER (Teachers’ Union) were murdered. The next day, December
22, fascists attacked the people who attended the funeral ceremony for the
murdered teachers. From there, the fascists marched to the shopping centre
where they destroyed shops owned by Alevis, as well as the buildings of the
CHP. During a confrontation, three more people are murdered. On December 23,
ostensibly to prevent a confrontation between police and the people, the
policemen were called off the streets. This give the fascists the opportunity
to gather, and they were given a free hand. Soldiers, summoned by the governor
on December 21, never arrived. On December 24, the fascists attacked a
neighbourhood predominantly inhabited by Alevis. They murdered children,
elderly people, women ­ even pregnant women ­ and the sick. The massacre
continued until the evening of December 25. Two hundred and ten houses and 70
workshops are destroyed and burned. As far as can be ascertained, 111 people
were murdered. * May 16, 1979: Fascists stormed a cafe in Ankara/Etlik
Piyangotepe which was frequented by leftists. The people were forced to lie down
and were then shot. Seven people were murdered.

* October 27, 1979: A cafe in Devrim Street in Istanbul/Bayrampasa which was
frequented by leftists was stormed by fascists.

* On October 28,1979: Another cafe, this time in Kayseri, was riddledwith
bullets by fascists: five people died.

* On December 16, 1979: the Barbados Coffee House in Istanbul/Besiktas, often
frequented by revolutionary students, was bombed. Five students died in the
attack. (These are only a few examples, the list of massacres is almost

1980 Military Coup

In the years
before 1980 the fascist terror increased. Civil fascists took over important
positions in the government and judiciary. Increasingly the police recruited
fascists. However, the people also organised themselves against massacres and
executions. In 1978 the liberation movement Devrimci Sol (Revolutionary Left)
was formed, which continued the legacy of the THKP-C (People’s Liberation
Party-Front of Turkey). The leaders of the THKP-C fell in Kizildere in 1972,
but their line of popular armed struggle was continued and developed by
Devrimci Sol. On March 30 1994, the anniversary of the “Kizildere
manifesto”, Devrimci Sol concluded the renewed development of the party.
On this day, the DHKP-C, the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front, was

The Turkish state did not succeed in silencing the ever louder calls of the
people for democracy and justice. To preserve the system, the military staged a
coup with the help of the imperialists on September 12 1980.

Hundreds of people were murdered. Tens of thousands were arrested and tortured.
All democratic organisations, newspapers, trade unions were banned, their
members arrested, tortured, murdered or sentenced to long prison sentences.
With the September 1980 coup, the policy of disappearances, executions in the
street and systematic torture which constitute today’s Turkey made its first

Some members of the fascist Grey Wolves, for example their leader Turkes, were
also arrested and sentenced. However, this was a matter of keeping up a
pretence, and even those Grey Wolves who had been sentenced to death were
released after a few years.

After the coup a number of institutions were set up which exist to this day.
Their aim is to safeguard the power of the military, no matter what kind of
civilian government is set up as a facade.

MGK: National Security Council. The top brass of the armed forces, the
president and the most prominent members of the monopoly bourgeoisie sit on it.

YÖK: on November 6 1981, at the command of the generals, this higher education
council was set up. YÖK is a committee of 25 which directs and guides the
administration of higher education establishments. It looks after study
syllabuses, exams and disciplinary procedures. For years there have been
protests against YÖK from students, especially the boycott which takes place on
November 6 every year.

In the education system, hundreds of textbooks have been rewritten to conform
to fascist ideology.

Various laws, for example the ban on the Kurdish language, are used to suppress
the expression of cultural identity.

Emergency Areas. Most of Kurdistan is a state of emergency area in which the
“law” has ceased to be applied at all. The declaration of the state
of emergency is regularly extended every six months.

The trade unions, which since 1986 can organise outside of Türk-Is, the state
trade union federation, are subject to strict legislation. For example, a legal
notary must confirm the membership figures claimed by a union. If a union has
50 percent or more of the labour force in a workplace, enabling it to represent
workers legally, this still has to be confirmed by the Labour Ministry, a
process that can take months and which gives the employer plenty of time to
sack union members. Persons convicted of a “political offence” are
banned from holding any position in the unions.

DGM: State Security Court. All “crimes of terrorism” come under its
jurisdiction. These include arrests at demonstrations as well cases involving
journalists, trade unionists, artists and members of the armed forces. There
are three judges in the DGM, of whom at least one must be a member of the armed
forces (normally two of them are). The lawyers too are frequently part of the
military structure.

In 1981, the military set up a puppet government headed by the Motherland Party
(ANAP). In 1983, the first “free” elections took place. But this
“elected” government, like the successors, was a puppet regime
lacking real power. The National Security Council determines which parties can
go on the ballot.

The contra-guerrillas have maintained their supremacy through the institutions
that were set up after the coup and their rights of intervention, and through
the use of executive bodies which recruit heavily among the fascists. The
renewed resistance, which has grown despite all crackdowns, has been met with
increased repression. Human rights violations increase from year to year. The wave
of disappearances, executions, mass arrests and torture which was first
experienced in 1980 have become part of everyday life in Turkey.

In October 1996 (the month before Susurluk) Oya Gökbayrak, the spokeswoman of
the Platform for Rights and Freedoms, described the differences as compared
with 1980 thus: “The one important difference is the dirty war being waged
against the Kurdish people. This war has of course been going on for decades,
and has now reached the highest point with the burning of villages, massacres
and mass expulsions of people from their homes.

“The other important difference is that in 1980 civil fascists described
Œpersons unknown’
were the ones who carried out massacres. Now crimes like disappearances,
extra-judicial executions and so on are carried out by the state security
forces as part of their duties, ordered and protected by the highest levels of
the state.”


The Command Of The “Special Armed Forces”

When the
contra-guerrilla was organised in Turkey in 1952 as the “Institute for War
Research” it could possibly be described as a “dark force within the
state” or “a state within the state” like similar institutions
in Europe. Nowadays such a description is no longer valid, considering the
institutionalisation of fascism. The first contra-guerrilla organisation
developed imultaneous with the increasing class struggle, its organisation was
enlarged and it developed into a mechanism which nowadays controls the entire

The “Institute for War Research” can be described as the core of the
present “Special Forces”, used in the war against the people. The
“Institute” was set up in 1952 without any legal basis as a secret
contra-guerrilla centre, under the command of the general staff. Its existence
wasn’t even publicly known till 1974. The existence was not documented in any
written document or archive. After it’s existence was revealed, it was claimed
the organisation was only to be used against occupying forces of the enemy in
case of a war. The organisation had allegedly nothing to do with a
contra-guerrilla organisation. But whatever they claim, it’s obvious the
contra-guerrilla is always used in the war against the people. After it’s
existence became known, the organisation was legitimised. It’s superior
commanders and its bases are known. But this is just the public side of its
face. The inner structure of the organisation and its activities are still kept

The “Institute for War Research” was first called “Special
Warfare Institute”, and afterwards it was renamed “Special Forces
Command”. It’s command heads the departments, leading and centralising
their activities. The Gendarme Corps, the Gendarmerie Intelligence Service to
Combat Terrorism (JITEM), the Special Operation Teams, the Village Guards, the
Special Commando Units and the OHAL (Emergency State Areas) governors work
under the leadership of the command. Furthermore it commands the Special
Operation Units (judicially ordered by the Interior Department and belonging to
the Police Chief structure), the Anti-Terror Departments, the MIT (National
Intelligence Service) and the Civil Defence Organisation (also officially
belonging to the Interior Department). All these organisations are controlled
by the contra-guerrilla. The activities of the contra-organisations MHP and
Hizbullah are also controlled through this command by the contra-guerrilla. All
of them combined constitute the military hitting power in the war against the
people. The activities are not limited to the military field. The psychological
warfare, important in the war against the people, is also controlled by the
command through the Department for Psychological Warfare. This psychological
warfare is conducted by the media and also maintains contacts with the employers
and several economical institutions.

In its war against the people, the contra-guerrilla tries to get rid of all
obstacles in its way. It therefore has its fingers in all state positions. It
is organised in the state bureaucracy. It occupies important positions within
the state through MHP-members or supporters of the contra-guerrilla. The
contra-guerrilla is also organised in the judicial apparatus, among the judges
and the state prosecutors. Also parliament is to be kept under control of the
contra-guerrilla. The parties who are represented in parliament are accordingly

National Security Council (MGK) And Parliaments

The military
controls the National Security Council (MGK), in which the general staff, the
commanders of the armed forces, the president, the prime minister, and the
Interior and Defence minister are represented. The advice of the MGK to the
government are in fact nothing less than direct orders. Judicially, the MGK is
controlled by parliament, but until now no government has ever risked to ignore
a MGK advice. De facto the MGK controls parliament. This power does not stem
from laws or the judicial apparatus, it stems from the contra-guerrilla
organisation within the state and its military strength. This perfectly fits a
contra-guerrilla state and a contra-guerrilla justice. The MGK is a
contra-guerrilla organisation. It’s a product of the September 12 junta. Even
without any judicial basis the MGK controls parliament. All laws and decisions
by parliament must be confirmed by the MGK before they are passed. Any other
conduct would get a government into serious problems, no party could get away
with that. It is said the contra-guerrilla was behind the attack against
prime-minister Turgut Ozal because he had a conflict with the MGK about the
Kurdish problem. It is not clear whether or not this is really the case, but it
is certain the assailant Kartal Demirdag did not act out of personal interests.
Furthermore it is said that the former SHP (Social-democratic Party) chairman
Erdal Inonu stepped down because of a conflict with the MGK. Inonu remains
silent about this.

The common goal of US-imperialism and the contra-guerrilla was -and remains- to
establish a pro-American government and to keep it in power. For this reason
Demirel was trained in the US, appointed as representative of the US-firm
Marrison for Turkey and supported in all elections. For the same reason Turgut
Ozal was first trained in the US after the September coup and than elected as
prime-minister in the sham elections of 1983 as a known supporter of the US.
And because of her co-operation with the MGK, Ciller was appointed as chairman
of the DYP. Trained in the US, and a US national herself, Tansu Ciller has
until now always been supported in the elections by the US. As thanks she
appointed the contra-guerrilla chiefs Dogan Gures, Mehmet Agar, Unal Erkan,
Hayri Kozakcioglu, Necdet Menzir and Sedat Bucak into parliament. This also
shows the contra-guerrilla has increased its power over parliament in time. But
the contacts of the contra-guerrilla go beyond this. Members of the civilian
fascist organisations or not only found in the MHP or its split, the BBP. A lot
of them can be found in the DYP and ANAP. Eight members of the advisors staff
of Mesut Yilmaz are former MHP members. The new minister of the Interior Meral
Aksener, who replaced Mehmet Agar, stems from a MHP family and has a MHP
background herself. It might be difficult to proof direct or indirect
connections between individual parliamentarians and the contra-guerrilla, but
when we look at politics, it becomes clear that no political party, including
the social democrats, can ignore the contra-guerrilla. The contra-guerrilla
conducted even the most brutal actions, provocations and massacres during the
period of the coalition government between the social-democratic SHP and the
DYP. In short: there are no differences between left-wing and right-wing
parties in parliament. In the end all parties are, directly or indirectly,
accomplices of the contra-guerrilla and the executors of its policy.

Civil Fascist Organisations


In all the countries where the contra-guerrilla was established, it founded
civilian fascist organisations or it fell back on already existing fascist
organisations, making these organisations into a support base of the
international contra-guerrilla. The contra-guerrilla has always needed this
kind of organisations and used them in its war against the people. The CIA, for
example, used the experience of Nazi officers and Gestapo agents in founding the
contra-guerrilla and deter mining its tactics.

It was established that Catli travelled from Latin-America to Miami on
September 9, 1992, accompanied by Stefano delle Chiale, co-ordinator of the
international drug trade for the CIA. Stefano delle Chiale is a CIA agent. He
is also chief of the Italian Gladio, founder and chairman of the North-Italian
fascist party and responsible for a bomb attack in Bologna in which 81 people
were murdered.

The first civilian fascist organisation in Turkey of the contra-guerrilla was
the “Combat Organisation against Communism”, founded before 1970 by
Turkes. After the coup of 1980, the need for fascist organisations was even
bigger for the oligarchy. Led by Alparslan Turkes, the MHP was founded. The
then chairman of the intelligence service of the general staff, the retired
admiral Sezai Okunt meant: “the armed forces were more afraid of the left
than for the right because the right was not organised till then. The
organisation of the right started with the MHP. Turkes received a lot of help
in those days”. (Hurriyet, November 19, 1990)

Leading MHP cadres took over the leadership of the civilian fascist movements.
The youth was organised in the “Ulku Ocak” (literally: the Idealist
Herd, the Grey Wolves) and the “MHP youth associations”. Under the
control of the Special Warfare Department they were trained in military combat
in Elazig, Kayseri, Eskisehir, Gaziantep and Cannakale by the contra-guerrilla.

The contra-guerrilla uses the fascist organisation in several ways. As anti-Communists
they are the natural supporters of fascism and they are used as a mass weapon
and a basis. Sometimes the civilian fascist organisations are used as a hitting
force against the revolutionary-democratic opposition. The contra-guerrilla
uses members of civilian fascist organisations everywhere in the country for
gathering information, provocations, sabotage and massacres.

It suits the state very well to have the dirty work done by civilian fascist
organisations. Because if their actions, provocations, sabotage and massacres
are disclosed, it’s easier for the state to deny any involvement. Until the
coup of September 12, 1980, the fascist organisations of the contra-guerrilla
like the MHP and its youth organisation Ulku Ocaklari carried out thousands of
actions for the state, murdering revolutionaries, democrats and patriots. But
the state was able to present these acts as a result of confrontations between
the left and the right, thus twisting the heads of the people.

Before September 12, 1980, the contra-guerrilla had the fascists kill thousands
of people, among them well-respected people, known progressives, like the
educators Bedrettin Comert, prof. Bedri Karafakioglu, prof. Cavit Orhan
Tutengil, prof. Umit Doganay, the teacher Orhan Yavuz, Umit Kaftancioglu, the
chief-editor of the Milliyet Abdi Ipekci, state prosecutor Dogan Oz, the chief
of police in Adana Cevat Yurdakul and DISK chairman Kemal Turkler. Alparslan
Turkes was accused of personally giving the order to kill Kemal Turkler, but he
was acquitted. During the trial his aids, Yilma Durak and Aydin Esi, testified
that when Kemal Turkler was mentioned during a meeting, Turkes gave them a
sign, meaning: Tear his head off.

Another example of the relation between the contra-guerrilla and the MHP
fascists was the attack against the then chairman of the ANAP and
prime-minister Turgut Ozal. The assailant, Kartal Demirag, was a MHP fascist,
trained in Dazkin by the contra-guerrilla. Kartal Demirag was later arrested
and sentenced. But the investigation of the case was blocked by the
contra-guerrilla, preventing the truth of coming out. The chairman of the
investigation committee, appointed by Ozal, the retired judge of the Court of
Appeal (the highest court in Turkey), Ugur Tonuk, stopped his work after he was
threatened. Demirdag was released after 4 years. The attack was first offered
by the contra-guerrilla to MHP member Veli Can Oduncu, imprisoned in Gaziantep
and sentenced before September 12, 1980, because of his participation in
several massacres. However, he refused to do the job. When the offer was
reported in the press, he was found murdered in prison. From the beginning the
MHP was supported by the CIA and the capitalists in Turkey. For example: the
Turkey specialist of the CIA after 1974 who worked at the US-embassy in Ankara
before 1980, CIA agent Paul Henze, is one of the best friends of Alparslan
Turkes. Another example is Ruzi Nazar who until 1971 worked as a CIA agent in
Ankara. After 1971, Ruhi Nazar went to Germany as leader of the MHP. One of the
financiers of the MHP, Murat Bayrak ­ born in Yugoslavia ­ was a Nazi who
played a major role in organising the MHP in Germany. Ugur Mumcu describes the
MHP financiers in his book “The Pope, the Mafia and Agca” in this
line-up: “Berker Inanoglu, Ali Kocman, Feyyaz Berker, Jak Kamhi, Emin
Hattat, Halit Narin, Mete Has and Mafia-boss Dundar Kilic”.

Nowadays it’s no coincidence that the Mafia gangs, connected with the
contra-guerrilla, are mostly led by fascists. The state uses hundreds of people
like Catli, hundreds of MHP members or members of its youth organisation as
professional killers in its war against the people. As long as the
“Special Warfare”, waged by the contra-guerrilla against the people
continues, the contra-guerrilla will need this kind of fascist murderers.
Because they are best suited for this filthy work. That’s why the biggest
source for the cadres of the “Special Operation Units”, founded after
1980, is the MHP.


The Hizbullah is a contra-guerrilla organisation, consisting of civilians. It
was founded under the control of the contra-guerrilla to cut off the national
movement of the Kurds. It could be said that it is a version of the MHP, using
a religious ideology as its basis in stead of nationalism. The contra-guerrilla
feared that the nationalist and racial ideology of the MHP would not find much
support among the Kurdish people, the Hizbullah was founded in stead. Between
1992-1994 some 500 people were organised in the Hizbullah. The massacres by
other contra-guerrilla were attributed to the Hizbullah. This also help the
state to pretend having clean hands. This contra-guerrilla organisation which
organises among the people on a religious basis, has been brought to do the
dirty work for the state. Youth between 16-20 years old are used for the
actions of Hizbullah. They were organised in meeting centres, schools, mosques
and book-stores, and trained by the contra-guerrilla. The attacks were mostly
carried out with guns and butcher’s knives. The security of the attackers was
guaranteed by the police. In his confession the battalion commander Cem Ersever
stated about Hizbullah: “The two persons who were in contact with
Hizbullah are Alaatin Kanat and Adem Yakin. They always told us:
ŒThe Hizbullah is the enemy of the PKK. The
enemy of my enemy is my friend. The security forces must in no case fight the
Hizbollah, they should rather clear its way.’ And what these two men said,
happened. The security forces protected the Hizbullah and they strengthened
them. The best Hizbullah execution teams consisted of (PKK) traitors.”

Village Guards:

One of the ways of the contra-guerrilla to protect the state against the growth
of the national Kurdish movement is to institutionalise the village guards in
the war against the people. In this way they wanted to incite the Kurdish
people to fight against each other. And at the same time a armed support
organisation for the contra-guerrilla was formed. There have been similar
examples in the past.

With two new paragraphs added to the “Village Laws in paragraph 74″
on March 26, 1985, the judicial hindrances were lifted for the village guards.

In the founding years the tasks of the village guards was explained like this:
“to protect their village territory against the PKK”. The first
source for the village guards were nomadic tribes. To make the task of the
village guards more popular, they were promised wages. They were granted
insurances and pensions. To make the task really attractive, even very old
people ­ who in reality couldn’t do the job anymore ­, sick people, disabled
people and women were made village guards. In the judicial basis for the
village guards, paragraph 7 reads: “They must be able to read and write
Turkish, they must have absolved their military duty, they must not have served
more than 50 days in jail and not been accused of acts they must be ashamed
of” etc. In reality this law was not kept. Many who were accused of
shameful acts like murder, kidnapping and desertion were pardoned in case they
accepted to become village guards. The nomad leader of Jirki, Tahir Adiyaman,
is an example for this. The blood feud between several nomadic tribes was used
to arm the tribes and to incite them against each other. When one side armed
itself, the other had to become village guards to arm themselves as well. The
nomads and village people who refuse to become village guards were forced to.
Those who could not be convinced by threats were forced with violence. They
were told they would be treated as supporters of the PKK in case they would not
accept the arms and become village guards. And the threats were put into
practice. Hundreds of villages whose inhabitants refused to become village
guards were burned down. Hundreds of farmers were murdered and their murder was
presented as the result of an armed confrontation between rival clans.

The tasks of the village guards were expanded. In the beginning it was said:
“They protect their own villages”. Afterwards it read: “It will
not be allowed that the guerrilla’s visit the villages, it will be prevented
that the people from the villages join the guerrilla, the network of spies will
be expanded, the people who grant the guerrilla shelter will be found out and
they will be forced to join the operations, they will protect the military
units, the city institutions, buildings and vehicles.” The village guards
were made into paid units, next to the military, fighting with the
contra-guerrilla against the own people.

In January, 1993, there were 39.000 village guards, in January 1994 there were
50.000, at the end of 1994 there were 56.000 and now there about 60.000.

Every nomad leader who joined the village guards established his own small
kingdom. With the support and indulgence of the state, they gathered money.
Using their military might, they began to attack villages and burned them down.
They started to kidnap people. Murdering and raping, they made money by
trafficking arms and drugs. Officially the village guards are subjected to the
Interior department, but in fact they are directly led by the contra-guerrilla.
Besides using the village guards for its operations, the contra-guerrilla also
used traitors of the PKK in separate contra-guerrilla units.

The Special Operations Units:

They were founded by the contra-guerrilla in 1985. Nowadays they number 7.000.
Officially they are subjected to the Interior department and the general
directorate of the police as a police unit. Many of them are active in
Kurdistan. Their headquarters are situated in the cities. They are used in the
rural areas in operations against the guerrilla, side by side with the
military, as well as for special “tasks” in the city centres.

A large part of the Special Operation Units consists of MHP fascists. Thousands
of people were sent to the special units by the MHP and the Ulku Ocaklari. The
requirements for the recruits were a high school degree and having absolved
military service. In 9 months they are trained in shooting, torturing,
interrogation techniques, sabotage, assaults and adoption to the area where
they will be stationed. Some of them are sent abroad for training. Their
members are not forced to wear uniforms and they are allowed to let their hair
grow and grow a moustache and a beard.

Mostly they operate together with military units. Their task is mainly to get
rid of the targets which are surrounded by the military. Because of their greed
for money, their lumpen, racist and nationalist character they have become the
ones who commit the most gruesome massacres against the people. Because they
get paid for every head to chop of from the guerrilla’s, they became head
hunters. To receive rewards, they started to murder farmers, claiming they are
guerrilla’s. They have become so inhuman, they started to cut of the ears,
noses and even the heads of the people, besides torturing and raping them.
According to official records, judicial inquiries were started against 1.500
members of the special teams. 500 were dismissed from their duties because they
committed acts which were not in accordance with their tasks.

JITEM ­ Gendarmerie Intelligence Service to Combat Terrorism ­

When the OHAL (Laws for the Areas in State of Emergency) came into force in
July, 1987, and the founding of the Gendarmerie Army Corps and its information
work, the JITEM was established as well. In the beginning the JITEM was
intended to gather sound information, monitor the PKK and keep them under
control. In a short while, JITEM became equivalent with torture, kidnapping,
disappearances and executions. Starting from the cities Diyarbakir, Siirt,
Mardin, Cizre, Sirnak, Hakkari and Van, the JITEM buildings became torture

But its activities were not limited to that. From time to time, its members
dressed up like guerrilla’s to discover which farmers supported the guerrilla,
spreading fear among them so they would no longer dare to support the
guerrilla. Another important practice was to set up contra-guerrilla cells with
traitors, village guards and fascists. One of the founders of the JITEM and its
first commander, major Cem Ersever described these cells as “Star
Units”. The contra-guerrilla organisation JITEM has extraordinary power in
the areas under the state emergency where it is active. At any given time it
can ask for the handing over of any prisoner by the State Security Court, the police,
or even the MIT. It’s members possess specially issued police passports and
personal cars which license plates have been changed. The JITEM, quickly
becoming quite strong in these areas, is able to carry out operations with
large forces of its own. Cem Ersever opened state offices in 1991 in Northern
Iraq in cities like Zaxo and Erbil. He had close contacts with the Gendarmerie
Army Corps commander Esref Bitlisand high state officials. He was dismissed in
1993 after a disagreement with his superior. Before he was murdered he told the
media some of the inner secrets of the JITEM. Part of his confessions were
published, albeit not under his own name. He was arrested by his own people in
the middle of October, 1991. In the morning hours of November 5, 1991, he was found
on the highway between Ankara and Kirikale, his hand tied to his back, and two
bullets through the back of his head. Shortly after, two more bodies were
found. One of them was Mustafa Deniz, considered to be his right hand and the
other was Mahsune Dguebe, known as Ersever’s girl friend and whose real name
was Neval Boz. Mustafa Deniz was once arrested as member of the PKK. He became
a traitor and joined the contra-guerrilla. According to Ersever, Neval Boz
worked for the MIT when she studied at the university in Syria. Later she
worked for the JITEM. Internal conflicts between the enemies of the people,
between the gangs, are often accompanied by massacres.

The Anti-Terror Department:

The political department, belonging to the Interior department and founded by
the Security Police Directorate, changed its name in 1991 into Anti-Terror
Department after the Anti-Terror Act became law in 1991. Its headquarters were
situated in Ankara and there was a department in the police stations of all the
cities. The contra-guerrilla became best organised in these departments in the
cities. The policemen who work for these departments are trained abroad,
especially in the US and in Germany.

With the growth of the revolutionary struggle, the power and the responsibilities
of these contra-guerrilla unites were expanded as well. The Political
Departments, now known as Anti-Terror Departments, have been known for a long
time by the people as torture centres. But in the past years it name is more
and more mentioned in connection with executions, massacres and disappearances.

Anti-Terror Departments were set up in all police stations. Together with the
plainclothes department they control the neighbourhoods of the cities and
gather information. A network of spies was set up in all the neighbourhoods and
workplaces. For gathering information, policemen, voluntary are forced
informants are used. The fascists supply them with voluntary spies. Another
practice is to kidnap sympathisers and members of revolutionary organisations
and force them to betrayal. Almost without exception, detainees are offered to
work as an agent.

Since the intensification of the war against the people in the ’90s, the
Anti-Terror Departments play a major role. The contra-guerrilla, organised in
these departments, is behind almost all cases of disappearances. These cases
have become daily policy and arrests are always flatly denied, even if there
were a number of witnesses. Also the execution of unarmed people on the
streets, presented as an armed confrontation, attacks against mass
demonstrations, provocations, false and slanderous reports about
revolutionaries… all this is part of the war by the contra-guerrilla, waged
by these departments.

MIT ­ The national Intelligence Service ­:

In 1923, after the Republic of Turkey was founded, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk asked
Husamettin Erturk to set up an intelligence service. In the Ottoman Empire,
Husamettin Erturk had been the director of the intelligence service
“Teskilat-i Mahsusa”, organised by Germany for Abdulhamit in 1880.
The new service, set up by Husamettin Erturk ­ Mudafai Milliye Istihbarat (MM) ­
was renamed Milli Emniyet Teskilati in 1941 (also known as Milli Amele Hizmet ­
MAH). The intelligence service, subordinated to the general staff, was controlled
by the American, French and English intelligence services. Even the wages of
the Turkish employees were paid by the foreign services. So much for the
“national” character of the organisation…

In 1965 the name was changed once again and the organisation was now known as
“Millii Istihbarat Teskilati” (National Intelligence Service). A new
law was passed to cover its activities. In this period the relations between
Turkey and the US and Europe developed which was used by the CIA for its own
purposes. From a partly by the CIA controlled organisation, the MIT became a
totally controlled organisation. The CIA agent Philip Agee wrote about this:
“The CIA had been in contact with the MIT for years. The CIA took care of
the training, the development and the equipment of this organisation.”
(Philip Agee, Diary of the CIA)

From the beginning the MIT worked closely together with the Israeli MOSSAD.
According to the deputy director of the MIT, Sabahattin Savasman, who stated in
1977 that he had spied for the CIA, the MIT was organised like this:

“The CIA has a delegation of at least 20 people who co-operate in the MIT
with the CIA and who occupy high positions inside the MIT. They supply
information, contacts and they participate in operations at home and collectively
in operations abroad. (…) All technical equipment is supplied by the CIA. A
lot of personnel was trained by the Americans in courses abroad, the buildings
were constructed by the CIA, the instructors were supplied by the CIA. (…)
The employees have been working for years as CIA agents, for the benefit of the
American secret service, it takes over its tasks without pay in operations at
home and abroad. (…)

“Our tasks were not just limited in delivering information. When the Shah
was still in power in Iran, we had regular meeting every few months with
members of the secret services SAVAK and MOSSAD. Most of the times it was the
MOSSAD who led these meeting with their quite developed technique. The MOSSAD
has a lot of possibilities in our homeland. Hiram Abas participated in
operations. (…)

“There were also regular meetings with the German intelligence service.
(…) In these meeting military and non-military information, gathered all over
the world, was passed.”

The directorate of the MIT contra-guerrilla:

The MIT is the largest and best equipped organisation of the state. It is said
to have its own planes, helicopters and military units. It has always been kept
a secret how many employees it has. 1/3 of the personnel are officers. And a
part are pensioned officers. The structure of the MIT is quite complex. Legally
it is subordinated to the departments, but in reality it is led by the general
staff. As director of the MIT most of the times somebody of the Special Warfare
Department is appointed, thus an officer of the contra-guerrilla. Like other
organisations, the MIT is interwoven with the contra-guerrilla. But because
members of several secret services and several interest groups of the oligarchy
are active in it, unavoidably there are power struggles within the MIT.

Although the MIT is supposed to work in the foreign policy field, all its
capacities are used for hunting and prosecuting revolutionaries, democrats,
progressives and patriots to prevent “enemy activities”.


Anti-Terror Law, 1991:

Art. 8 – Propaganda against the indivisible unity of the state: “Written
or spoken propaganda, meetings and demonstrations, notwithstanding the aims and
ideas, aimed at destroying the indivisible unity of the state territory and the
people, are banned. He who violates this law will be punished with a prison
sentence of 2-5 years and a heavy fine.”

Art 9 – The competent court: “For procedures because of crimes according
this law, the State Security Court is competent.” (There are 3 judges in
these courts, one of them must be from the military. The state prosecutors are
also often from the military)

Art 11 – The length of detention “People, arrested because of a crime
under this law, must be brought to court within 48 hours (not including the
time necessary for transport from the place of arrest to the nearest court),
and in case of jointly committed crimes, within 15 days.” (In areas under
the state of emergency – large parts of Kurdistan – this can be expanded to 30

Art. 15 – Prosecution without detention: “Criminal procedures against
leading of minor public servants, active in the struggle against terrorism, of
the intelligence services or the public order authorities, or against other
personnel working for these institutions, for crimes committed in the line of
there duty, will be held without the detention of the accused, until the end of
the procedures.” “The costs of legal defence are paid for, without
limitations, by the authority involved, using a especially reservation on the

Other regulations: “Public servants, as mentioned above, including those
who are no longer in active duty, may use guns in defence of attacks by
terrorist criminals against their lives, or the lives of there husbands or
wives, and children.”

The Tasks Of The MIT after The New Law Of 1983:

1. Setting up a national security service in the whole country, gathering
information about activities against the unity of country and people, against
the existence, independence and security of the state, against the laws and the
national strength of the land, giving this through to the president, the
prime-minister, the general staff, the chairman of the National Security
Council and other necessary institutions.

2. Preparing and developing plans for the national security, satisfying the
information needs and wishes of the departments through the state president and
the prime-minister, and the chairman of the general staff..

3. Leading activities to gather information, making suggestions to the National
Security Council and the prime-minister.

4. Advising the state commissions and institutions in activities to distribute
information and preventing distribution of information in technical matters,
advising and supporting in matters of organising structures.

5. Passing on reports and information, considered necessary by the chief of
staff of the Armed Forces.

6. Other tasks as decided by the National Security Council.

7. Fighting information leaks.


The Contra-Guerrilla: How Do They Operate?

For securing the
existence of the state, all means ­ massacres, provocations, torture, and all
kind of cruelties ­ are justified. This view is the basis for the organisation
and the manner of operation of the contra-guerrilla, and this determines their
degree of unlawfulness. The contra-guerrilla should not be conceived as an
organisations which destroys and burns down everything, which commits massacres
and plans provocations and intrigues. Of course, in their war against the people
they’ll make ample use of these methods, but this is just one side of the medal
in this war. The contra-guerrilla should be conceived rather as one of the many
organisations which were set up for the war against the people, it should be
seen in the context in the entirety of this war, waged on several levels by
these organisations to oppress the revolutionary struggle. This was is a total
war, and with its economical, democratic, political, ideological, psychological
and military dimensions, it covers almost all fronts. With the growth of the
revolutionary struggle, the contra-guerrilla will apply new means, that’s the
rule of war. The “Village Guards” (the para-military) ­ set up after
1985 ­, the increasing number (since the beginning of the ’90s) of executions,
mass murders, kidnappings, murders by “unknown perpetrators”, the
institutionalisation of treason (deserters), the growing activities if
undercover agents and informants, the special teams, the legalisation of the
village guard system, the recruitment of special teams, the state of emergency,
and the anti-terror laws constituted, together with all the other attacks, an
increasing aggression by the contra-guerrilla, opening the total war against
the people.

Executions, Disappearences And The Victims Of “Unknown

abductions, and murders by “unknown perpetrators” were
“practices” of the contras which intensified rapidly after 1991. This
development did not come out of the blue sky, of course. 1990 and 1991 were the
years Devrimci Sol rose quickly. The strengthening of the revolutionary
opposition shocked the oligarchy on its foundations with mass protests, dozens
of armed actions and punishments. The Kurdish national movement, which they
said to “exterminate” “in spring” could not be
exterminated. Furthermore, 1990 and 1991 were the years of the mass protests
and the “Intifadah” in Kurdistan. The state, feeling cornered by the
expansion of the revolutionary movement and losing its psychological
superiority, initiated a new wave of aggression. The chapter of disappearances
started with Yusuf Eristi, taken into “custody” on May 14, 1991, in
Belgradkapi-Istanbul. Although witnesses testified they saw Yusuf Eristi in the
police station, the police never acknowledged officially that he had been
arrested. Since then, the reports about “disappearances” increased
continuously. Although the exact number is unknown, the balance of the past
three years shows more than 400 people who disappeared. Between 1980-1991,
there were just 13 cases, in 1991 4 people disappeared, in 1992 there were 8,
and in 1993, as far as can be established: 23. This means that there wasn’t a
“systematic policy” of “disappearances” in that period,
whereas the number of “disappearances” grew explosively since 1993
and disappearances, as a method of the contra-guerrilla, became calculated
state policy. In 1994, 24 people disappeared. Furthermore, 229 people were
“abducted” in Kurdistan and they were never seen again. In 1995, 213
people disappeared in police custody. The method is a CIA method. In earlier
years they tested and applied this method in other countries, such as: *
Guatemala: since 1966, tens of thousands of people were abducted of killed by
the state.

* Uruguay: the Junta, seizing power in June 1973, had thousands of
revolutionaries disappeared in the depths of the jungle and in the sewers.

* Chile: General Pinochet, who overthrew the government of Allende, elected by
the people in 1973, imprisoned thousands of revolutionaries and opponents in
stadiums and had them massacred.

* Argentina: The generals took power in !976. The junta arrested and killed an
estimated 30.000 people. Thousands were thrown from planes into the sea.

* Peru: In the past 10 years, some 4.500 people disappeared in a systematic policy.

Why did the Turkish state think it necessary to apply such a policy as well?
There are many possible answers. The method of disappearances was preferred to
imprisonment and uncertain convictions, and as phrased by the leader of the
coup, general Evren: “Should we feed them in stead of hanging them?”
As a conclusion, this is certainly accurate, but the goal is not merely the
physical annihilation of the opposition, they also want to intimidate the
people. The “murders by unknown perpetrators” are used as an element
of psychological warfare. Revolutionaries, democrats and patriots are taken
away from their houses, their work, or from the street, and their dead bodies
are thrown in ditches or river beds, usually after torture. The marks of
torture are usually clearly visible and the contra-guerrilla does not make any
effort to hide the bodies, they are rather put at places where they are easily
found. Not as if they wouldn’t have time to “hide” them. The state
officials, time and time again, swear that the police, the security organs, act
against terror “within the framework of the law”, but the
contra-guerrilla openly shows its impudence, they will not be hindered by a law
or a decree to massacre and torture.

The rise of the
number of executions since 1991 is a result of this policy. The murder of the
Devrimci Sol fighters Olcay Uzun and Faruk Bayrakci on April 9, 1991 in Izmir,
of Hatice Dilek and Ismail Oral on May 19, 1991 in Bayrampasa-Istanbul, of
Perihan Demirer on May 28, 1991 in Besiktas-Istanbul, and the massacre of 11
people (among them 10 Devrimci Sol members) on June 12, 1991 in Balmumcu,
Nisantasi, Dikilitas and Yeni Levent-Istanbul, revealed that the state
developed its policy of executions into a systematic general policy. Since
then, hundreds of alleged revolutionaries and patriots were murdered all over
Turkey under the pretext of razzias against revolutionary cells. The aim was to
kill them, not to arrest them. Weapons were placed next to unarmed people to
suggest an armed confrontation. The executions went as far as targeting
democratically working sympathisers and supporters. One of the most recent
examples was the murder of Irfan Agdas, in the middle of the street, who was
distributing the Kurtulus weekly. In a similar manner patriots in Kurdistan,
teenagers, who distributed the papers Ozgur Ulke and Ozgur Gundem, were
murdered. The policy of executions was not restricted to the major cities, it
was a state policy which covered the whole country. The state took a stand of
totally annihilating the guerrilla, of not taking them alive. Except for those
who surrendered themselves, they started the execute the guerrillas who were
captured alive after a fight, in stead of arresting them. The executions and
massacres were extended from the guerrilla to the village population, suspected
of logistically supporting the guerrilla. People who were taken from their
villages, or who were summoned to the police station, were never seen again or
their bodies, often tortured, were found next to the street. Looking at the
increasing number of executions and “murders by unknown
perpetrators”, one recognises ­ besides the physical annihilation ­, that
the state wants to unleash a wave of terror among the opposition. It’s their
intention to intimidate, to subdue the revolutionaries, to make them drop their
goals, to show them what they have to expect in case they continue their
struggle for the people, against the state. The massacres of the past years in
the prisons of Buca, Umraniye and Diyarbakir must be seen in this context as
well. The people were imprisoned already, but it’s not the detention that
counts for the contra-guerrilla, it’s the resistance. They want to break the
resistance which they can not suppress by attacks, culminating into mass
murders. This is a threat, not just to those in prison, but also to those who
continue the struggle on the outside. The message from the contra-guerrilla to
the revolutionaries and patriots is this: “Don’t belief you’ll only have
to come through the torture alive, we can kill you in prison any time we want.
In here, there is no guarantee for your life.” Like us, all
revolutionaries, democrats and patriots know about the high price for
revolutionary work in a fascist environment. taken into custody and getting
tortured, being arrested and thrown into jail, falling in the struggle against
the enemy. These are almost natural consequences of the struggle and the
confrontation with the enemy. As a revolutionary, ones accepts this price and
one takes a stand in this struggle. But the contra-guerrilla wants to increase
this price with its practice of oppression, terror, massacres, disappearances,
executions, “murders by unknown perpetrators”, and by demonstrating
that they are not bound by laws or judicial regulations, they want to erect a
wall of fear in the minds, not just of those who are directly active in the
struggle, the guerrilla and the militias, but rather in the minds of all, also
those who work in the democratic field, revolutionaries, patriots, democrats
and even normal workers, union members. Although it is impossible for them to
kill all revolutionaries, patriots, sympathisers and supporters, they want to
tell the people this: “To get killed, kidnapped or beaten to death, it’s
not necessary to carry a weapon yourself.” To become a target for the
contra-guerrilla, it’s enough to distribute a revolutionary paper of magazine,
to be active in a legal association, to show solidarity with the
revolutionaries. Because it’s the law of the contra-guerrilla not to know any
laws. They lost all measure for guilt and punishment, for them an enemy is just
an enemy, no matter what he has done, no matter whether his deeds are
punishable be present law, or not. An enemy is an enemy, and all kinds of
punishment are justified. And thus: “Watch your steps, if you’re a
revolutionary, then quit. If you’re not, then keep away from them, do not
participate in acts against the state, otherwise it will end badly for

Well, now the
questions arises whether the state succeeds with this policy, or whether the
true character of the state is revealed even more forced because of this
policy? The state applies more modern methods and develops new strategies to
get results at any price, an act which also means the failure of its formerly
practised strategy to suppress the revolutionary struggle. It did not succeed
to suppress the revolutionary, democratic opposition with its policy of
extra-judicial executions, the murders by “unknown perpetrators” and
the disappearances. But claiming that this policy has had no effect at all on
the people would be extremely optimistic. It has played a
“constraining” role in certain places. It’s obvious that the spread
of fear and the height of the “price” which has been paid, caused the
strengthening of the tendency of the petite-bourgeoisy, who did not separate
themselves totally from the system, even of the petite-bourgeois revolutionary
organisations, to return back to the system. As often as the state denies this
policy, it can not prevent its revelation. To lengthen the “life” of
the status quo, of having to choose between preventing a revolution and risking
to get exposed, it chooses for the latter, of course. It’s forced to take these
risks, because it does not have the capability and the reserves to invoke democratic
and economic reforms to fulfil the needs of the people. And so it does not have
an alternative but to suppress the opposition, the people, by repression and

Report By Human Rights Association 1996

2395 people were
killed in armed conflict.

59 people were murdered by “unknown perpetrators”.

191 people disappeared in custody.

According to the official figures, 191 people were tortured in police custody.
17,604 people were actually tortured, although this number is not officially

109 people were murdered.

95 bomb attacks were carried out by state forces.

67 villages were depopulated and burned down.

170 people were jailed because of their political convictions.

12 political prisoners died in jail during the Death Fast.

5 prisoners put themselves on fire in protest against the conditions in prison.

In the attack against Umraniye Prison four prisoners died, in the attack
against Diyarbakir Prison 11 prisoners were killed. The prisoners Kalender
Kayapinar, Umit Dogan Gonul, Mustafa Kaya and three others died because they
were not medically treated.

108 associations and unions were attacked.

97 press organs and publications were banned.

342 journalists were arrested.

167 editions of papers and magazines were confiscated. Journalists and writers
were sentenced to 164 years in prison and a fine of

9, 401 billion TL in total.


Countless pages
could be filled with reports of the victims of the torturers of the Turkish
state. The methods of torture are as manifold as the human brain can be
inventive in finding possibilities to tormentpeople. Most of the thousands of
people arrested in 1996 in Turkey alone were subjected to torture. The police stations
in Turkey all have their torture chambers, without exception. Arrested people
can be held for 15 days by the Turkish police (in the emergency state areas up
to 30 days), without seeing a lawyer, without seeing a public prosecutor or a
magistrate. During this period, the arrested are regularly tortured. But the
torture does not stop when they are later kept on remand or sent to jail. Also
in prison, during the transfer to court, during transfers to other prisons or
to hospital, torture continues. Some do not survive the torture. Some are
disabled for the rest of their life. Almost all are haunted for the rest of
their life by the terrible memories of this period of injuries, pain and
disgrace. The tortures make no difference. All who fall into their hands are
tortured, it doesn’t matter whether the victim is 13 or 83, whether it is a man
or a woman. Even pregnant women are tortured. From the numerous reports about
torture in Turkey, we’ve only selected a few. They serve as examples of
arbitrariness, cruelty and the loss of all human feelings of the Turkish
torturing bullies.


The case of the youths in Manisa attracted special attention. On December 25,
1995, 15 secondary school pupils in Manisa aged from 14 to 19 were arrested
along with their teacher and severely tortured. Even though the fact of torture
was confirmed by doctors, the confessions obtained through torture were
accepted by the court. Although the pupils disowned the statements they had
given and there was no other proof against them, 12 of them were sentenced to
from 2.5 to 12.5 years in jail for membership of the DHKP-C.

What is the purpose behind torture?

According to
unofficial statistics, last year more than 17,000 people were tortured during
14 days in police custody. Torture affects everyone, regardless of age or
gender… Everyone in Turkey who decides to stand up for democracy, justice and
human rights decides simultaneously to risk torture and death. There is no
legal protection against this because police responsible for torture are never
found guilty by the courts. This is how the state endeavours to intimidate the
people and suppress opposition.


The families of
disappeared daughters and sons cannot go to a grave and say a funeral oration.
They cannot stretch out a clenched fist and say , “Our children are
immortal,” because their children are neither alive nor dead. Even the
right to a gravestone is taken from them. So being “disappeared” is
different from being dead.

The policy of “disappearances” became a method of worldwide notoriety
in the 1970s as a result of its use by contra-guerrillas in Latin America. The
dictators hunted thousands of people like animals and had them murdered. Nobody
knows how they were killed or where they were buried. Sometimes the graves were
found years later. Mostly the corpses could no longer be identified by their

After Latin America, the policy of making people disappear is being used more
and more in Turkey. In 1995 Turkey had the most “disappearances” in
the world. Probably in 1996 it will continue to lead the world in terms of this
sad statistic.

Aysenur Simsek: one of hundreds

She was born in Ankara in 1968. After she graduated from the pharmacy faculty,
she opened a chemist’s shop. But she had picked up some political education.
She began to organise protests. Later she closed her shop in order to devote
herself entirely to politics. In organising office workers in Ankara, she
showed great organisational skills and a tremendous capacity for work. She was
also one of the founders of Saglik-Sen (trade union for health workers).

When she was abducted by the contra-guerrillas, she was the chair of
Saglik-Sen. Before her abduction she came under massive pressure from the
police. Her family received death threats on the phone, demanding that Aysenur
give up political work. But she did not let herself be intimidated, because she
thought spreading resistance was more important than her life.

On January 24 1995 she was abducted by the contra-guerrillas and on January 29 she
was killed by three shots in the head, chest and chin, fired at close range.

After her family realised she had been abducted, her family and friends began
to look for her. Even though they asked at all police establishments about her,
they received the same answer: “We don’t have her.”

On April 13 Aysenur was found. The state lawyer’s office in Kirikkale called
her family and told them of the spot where the body was buried. To this day,
investigations have naturally been fruitless.


To describe 15
years in Turkey briefly, two words suffice: disappearances and extra-judicial
executions. In this period, about 25,000 people were massacred by state
security or paramilitary forces, mostly in the villages and mountains of

The main reason given is this: “They were members of an
organisation.” After a massacre is carried out, the investigations by the
state are restricted to determining whether the murder victim was a member of
an organisation. It must be mentioned that most of the people executed are not
members of an organisation. Their only crime is to be considered
revolutionaries or democrats by the police.

When the authorities do happen to institute proceedings against the police, the
same people are charged again and again. It is obvious that these police are an
execution squad. Up to now, none of these murderer policemen have been
sentenced for a crime. Evidence disappears mysteriously, or judges openly take
sides with the murderer policemen.

The orders for executions and massacres were in all cases issued by the police
presidents (Mehmet Agar, Necdet Menzir and so on) who were in office at the

April 12 1995, in Batikent-Ankara: one of hundreds of examples

Mustafa Selcuk, Sirin Erol and Seyhan Ayyildiz were executed during an
operation in Ankara, in Batikent’s Kardelen district, in Haritacilar Sitesi,
Block 13, number 10. As they always do in such cases, the police said,
“The call to surrender was answered with shots. The militants were taken
into custody dead.”

The investigation into the incident conducted by the delegation from the
Platform for Rights and Freedom produced a different finding.

“The relevant government official said there was an armed conflict and
described the operation as a great success. This is how they try to justify
this massacre. When we investigated in the house it was clear that no clash had
taken place. The evidence showed that Mustafa Selcuk, Sirin Ekol and Seyhan
Ayyildiz were executed while lying on the ground. There were 64 gunshot wounds in
the corpses. This showed that the house was stormed with the aim of killing the
revolutionaries. In the house there were no signs of a clash. All windows and
furniture were undamaged. Everything was in its place. The only sign of a clash
was the shots fired by the police.

“The clash did not last an hour, like the police said. The operation was
carried out by the police in five minutes and was a premeditated murder. This
is a great disgrace for humanity.”

Destruction Of Villages And Food Embargo

Thousands of
villages in Kurdistan have been destroyed, the inhabitants were murdered or
driven away. The rural areas of Kurdistan are depopulated. A humane life in the
cities has become impossible, the struggle for survival has rendered other
thoughts a luxury. Hundreds of operations were carried out in the Kurdish areas
in 1996 again against the PKK. Every time a village was completely destroyed,
the Turkish media proudly reported a “new success in the struggle against
terrorism”. When dozens of civilians are shot, they talk about a victory
against the guerrilla. The food supplies for the civilian population are being
rationed to prevent food is given to the guerrilla. Thousands of people, even
15 year old children, are forced to become “village guards”. But even
with these methods of annihilation the Turkish military is not able to win the
struggle against the guerrilla. More and more people are going into the
mountains to confront this system. In 1996, the Turkish military even had to
endure criticism by the loyal media why 2.000 heavily armed soldiers were
needed to attack a single village. Houses and villages are not only destroyed
in the Kurdish areas. In the major cities, especially in Istanbul, the houses
of the poorest among the poor, the Gececondular, are being attacked and
destroyed. According to Turkish law, a house which is built on state owned land
overnight becomes the legitimate property of the builder. Contrary to this law,
also in 1996 countless Gececondu-houses were demolished by the state, leaving the
inhabitants, whose most valuable (and often only property) is their house,
without any means.

with Sivas continues

“The Platform for Solidarity with the People in Sivas made a press
statement on the Ozgurluk Meydani in Bakirkoy in which they protested against
the depopulation of the area, the arrests and the torture. 63 villages have
been depopulated in the area of Sivas. 111 primary schools were closed in
Divrigi, 63 in Zara. 500 peasants, among them 75 village mayors, were arrested
and tortured. Some 300 villages were surrounded by the state security forces.
At present there are around 200 soldiers and members of the Special Units in
the villages of Baloca and Dikmecay… “We demand an end to the oppression
of the population and an end of the embargo against the villages. We demand
that these villages are not depopulated any longer and that the governor of
Sivas will be suspended”, the statement reads. “February 1st, 1996,

“11 Villages raided in Sivas

“During the last 5 days the state security forces raided 11 villages in
the area between Sivas, Divrigi, Zara and Kangal. 20 peasants, among them
mayors as well, were arrested. Three peasants are still missing. It is reported
that temporary guards were deployed in several villages in Divrigi. The
soldiers are conducting house searches. The peasants are not allowed to leave
the villages. After sundown, they are not even allowed to leave the

“September 12, 1996, Cumhuriyet – Sabah – Zaman – Aksam”

“Food embargo against Tunceli

“Mayor Mazlum Aslan stated the whole city was surrounded. A delegation of
representatives of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and democratic
organisations went to Tunceli to monitor the situation. The delegates requested
information from several official institutions about the food embargo and

“October 19, 1996, Kurtulus”

“Gececondus destroyed in Eskisehir

“Like in the Gececondular (slum areas) of Istanbul, the houses of the poor
are destroyed in other cities as well. In Eskiseher, 21 houses were destroyed
by the state. The inhabitants said the state had promised to leave their houses
in peace, but this promise had been broken.

“October 29, 1996, Kurtulus”

“Protest against the food embargo in Dersim

“On October 12, the district mayors of Dersim and Tunceli staged a protest
in Guven Park (Ankara) against the food embargo in Dersim. Banners were shown
with the texts: “We want to return, are we not human beings?” and
“We demand compensation”. A message for the prime-minister was drawn
up as well, demanding the end of the food embargo in Dersim. It is also said
that the people who were driven away from Dersim want to go back, they do not
want to be treated as criminals any longer. Furthermore they demand that the
massacres are being stopped.

“November 1, 1996, Kurtulus”


Susurluk, some members of the contra-guerrillas took advantage of the situation
to stop their “work”. Whenever possible, they fled abroad and gave
opposition forces information about massacres they had participated in, and
disclosed who had put them up to it. One of these is Murat Ipek, a former
member of the PKK, who turned traitor and spent years working for the state.

[Article in
Ozgur Politika of February 11th 1997]

When did you
begin your treason?

Ipek: I joined the PKK in 1987. I used the name Mustafa. On February 10 1992 I
was arrested at the Cizre bridge. The same year, having turned traitor, I was
brought to the E type prison in Diyarbakir. A short time later I was sentenced
by the State Security Court. In the organisation I helped the official
responsible for Cizre.After my release I started working with a unit of the
anti-terror detachment in Sirnak. They tested me. Unal Erkan wanted me to kill
someone called Biseng to see how far I could be trusted. After Newroz 1992,
Unal Erkan came to Sirnak. He got everyone together. He asked, “Who took
part in the events (Newroz) here?” The police mentioned the name of Biseng
Anik. Unal said to me, “Take care of him.” He gave me this task in
order to test me.

Biseng Anik’s house was in front of the mosque. We and the civil police brought
him in and he was tortured in the police station. I was told that in his house
a policeman was lynched by the people during the Newroz events. They gave me a
G-3 weapon they had in the police station and I killed him with a bullet
through the head.

Did you carry
out any further tasks?

Ipek: On August 18 1992 Mehmet Ertak and the lawyer A. Rahim Demir were both
buried together. The police chief Necati Altintas and the TEM chief Mehmet
Kaplan said that this man, Mehmet Ertak, who lived on Agabey mountain, had to
be killed. We got into an armoured car and drove off. Near the city, not far
from a coal mine, we stopped, got out and killed. We had put on guerrilla
clothing and dirtied our hands. We said, “We killed a terrorist.”

In Cizre, Abdurrahman Cengiz owned a petrol station. Together with the traitor
Ismail, also known as Zana, we arrested him. Alaatin Kanat drove the car.

In the Sirnak area we kept Guclukonak Kasrik prisoner in a ravine. I kept an
eye on him. The order to abduct him came from Unal Erkan. The police chief
Necati Altintas gave us the same command. Kanat drove with Zana, taking
banknotes into the city. When they came back they had a bag with them. He gave
me 25 million Turkish lira from it. After we had gone, lorry drivers rescued
the man. The car we used had the number plate 34 N 7423. The governor Unal
Erkan and the police director of Cizre said we should split up and leave the
area. Then the police chief of Cizre, Cevat Deniz, wanted to take us away.
Zana, who at that time was in Diyarbakir prison in the cell block reserved for
traitors, pulled a gun on the director. So they could not arrest us. We went to
Diyarbakir and stayed in the Demir Hotel. The state lawyer’s office of Cizre
was looking for us. So we fired a rocket and threw a grenade at the advocates’
office. We said, “If you come looking for us again, we will kill
you.” He did not come a second time.

Together with Alaatin Kanat we went back to Sirnak. I think Kanat was in prison
at the time. He was needed afterwards. I was also called from Cizre to attend a
hearing. In Cizre we killed Sivan, whose codename was Abdulvahap, without the
knowledge of the police chief, and then we buried the body.”

murdered Musa Anter*”

Ipek: Musa Anter came to Diyarbakir. Anter was summoned by the city
administration for September 15 1992, to prepare for a cultural festival.
Scarcely had he arrived before he was being tracked by the police. We had our

Who gave them?

Ipek: We asked who gave the orders. Alaatin Kanat received the order from
Yesil. They gave the order for Anter to be fetched from the hotel. We were a
team. Besides Kanat, there was Adil Timurtas, myself, Kahraman Bilgic, Zana and
Mesut Mehmetoglu. A day before the event three of us went to the Buyul Hotel
where Anter was staying. (It was about 2300.) At the reception desk we said we
wanted to see Anter. The employee sent us away because Anter did not want to
see us. We left the hotel and reported to Kanat. An hour later we went to the
hotel again. In the hotel we met the same employee and asked again.

Anter was annoyed with the employee and said, “At this time of night I
wouldn’t receive my own father.” The hotel employee sent us away again.
The first day ended in failure.

Two evenings later we went with Kanat to the hotel, carrying a compass. We told
the employee at reception that we wanted to bring Musa Anter a compass. A
little later he came back and said Musa Anter would see us. Then Musa Anter
came with Orhan Miroglu. In front of the hotel I got into a car. We drove
direct to Seyrantepe. Kanat’s car was in front of us. There was another car
behind us.

Towards Seyrantepe we turned down the Ergani road. Then we stopped. Kanat got
into our car. Musa Anter recognised Kanat. They knew each other. Anter turned
his head and did not speak. Orhan Miroglu on the other hand spoke to us. After
that we drove onto the Silvan road and a little later we stopped. We got out
and Kanat took Musa Anter by the arm. Anter said, “Children, you are
making a mistake.” We followed them both. Then a signal was given. The
first bullet fired by Alaatin Kanat hit Musa Anter in the head. Then we fired
as well. (Four bullets hit Musa Anter.) Orhan Miroglu started to run away. We
began to shoot at him. After the killing of Musa Anter, soldiers nearby began
to fire in the air. We panicked and fled the area. We came to Dicle University
and stopped. A little later came a minibus with civil police on board. We got
into it. Our three vehicles were taken away by the civil police. Last year
(1996) Cemil and village guards he brought from Egil murdered teachers in
Hantepe*. The gendarmerie corporal immediately came and threatened me, saying I
could not kill the village chieftain. I said, “I will kill him,” and
this annoyed him. So soon afterwards he arrested my uncle who lived in the

Do you know
where Alaatin Kanat is?

Ipek: He is neither in the Kirklareli prison, nor is he in the one at Kalecik.
Kanat still works in the gendarmerie commandant’s office at Diyarbakir in the
service of Ersin Bagi, and he still drives a Renault Menajer with the number

The Confession
By Mayor Cem Ersever

“You ever
heard of Alaatin Kanat? … I think he was a PKK member in 1986. He quickly
rose up in the organisation. He was responsible for the regions of Mardin and
Batman. In 1990 he was appointed as the responsible for Istanbul. That’s where
he killed the deputy-director of the Diyarbakir prison, major Esat Oktay
Yildiran… But later he got into trouble with the organisation… He came to
us and surrendered. He confessed. Until that time PKK-general Zinnar had been
the most important person we got into our hands. Allaatin Kanat now lives in a
house, property of the OHAL governor, in Diyarbakir. Alaatin Kanat has created
a unit of his own, consisting of 30-40 traitors. He created this unit in the
Diyarbakir prison from the cells of the traitors. Whenev er a new “singing
bird” enters prison, they try to get him into their unit.”
“These units of traitors are called Star Units. We had a lot of Star
Units. We had a Star Unit, exclusively consisting of women, which was sent into
the mountains, and it was very successful.” “As I said before, these
traitors were joined together in units. Another member was Recep Tiril. He is a
psychopath. Another one had the code name Salman… This man with the code name
Salman was form Eruh. Another member was Adem Yakin… He had been arrested in
1990 during the armed confrontation in Tahtoras. He is a traitor too. They all
live in houses of the OHAL governor. The personnel of the president and the
personnel of the Gendarmerie Command are all in the same place.”

“This man with the code name Salman, I don’t recall his real name, was
also active in trafficking arms and heroin. Even after he became a traitor, he
was arrested for robbery. Of course he was immediately freed again.”

“You have written correctly: the Gendarmerie and the police participate in
trafficking arms and heroin. They all co-operate.”

The Main
People Behind Susurluk

AGAR Mehmet

Mehmet Agar was born in Ankara, on September 31 1951. He is of Kurdish origin
and an Alevi. He began his professional career as deputy commissioner in the
department of security and the department of the prime minister. He worked as a
regional director in several provinces.

In the 1970s Mehmet Agar received a special training in the USA for special
police tasks. In 1979 he resumed his old job as deputy police director. In that
period he became known for the new methods of torture he introduced.

After five years he was appointed as the second in command in the second police
directorate in Istanbul. In 1988 he became police director of Ankara, and in
1990 he was appointed to the same position in Istanbul.

In 1992 he became governor of Erzurum. The DYP-SHP government in Ankara
appointed him at the same time as police chief for the whole of Turkey.

The leader of the DYP, Tansu Ciller, proposed him in 1995 as a candidate for
the elections of December 24 1995. He was the candidate for Erzurum and he won
a seat in parliament.

After the elections he was appointed as minister of justice by the coalition
government of DYP and ANAP.

After the collapse of the coalition he became interior minister in the new DYP
and Refah government. After Susurluk he had to leave politics because his
involvement in crime was too blatant. In the meantime, however, he may be
making a comeback, perhaps as successor to the late fascist leader Alparslan

The work of Mehmet Agar left a trail of blood since he became a member of the
police force. The following documentation will give an impression of his

The First Massacres. On July 2 1980, three revolutionaries were executed in
Topkapi. Faruk Tuna, accused of hanging a banner with a forbidden text, died in
custody as a result of brain trauma caused by torture.

On September 20 1980, Ahmet Karlangic was arrested. He died while he was

Hayrettin Eren, arrested on November 20 1980, was made “disappeared”.

In police operations, under the responsibility of Mehmet Agar, people were
executed without any trial:

On March 18 1981, Abdullah Gozalan was murdered in Bakirkoy.

On April 3 1981, Mehmet Selim was executed in Karakoy.

On April 7 1981, Selcuk Kucukciftci was executed in Istanbul.

On July 1 1982, Tahsin Elvan was murdered in Maslak.

In September 1987, Ala Demiralp was executed in Cengelkoy.

On April 30 1988, Salih Kul and Ozturk Acar were executed Topkapi.

Mehmet Agar’s Time As Police Chief In Ankara. In September 1990, the arrested
Newroz Turkdogan lost her 2.5 month old unborn child as a result of torture.

On October 5, the “Solidarity Association of the Relatives of Political
Prisoners and Detainees” in Ankara was closed. On his orders the
oppression and censorship against the socialist press were increased. Many
papers and magazines were confiscat or banned, the publishers, editors and
fellow-workers were arrested. Intellectuals and writers were sentenced to jail
for more than 100 years together.

Mehmet Agar’s Time As Police Chief In Istanbul. In the night of January 31
1990, thousands of policemen and soldiers surrounded the slum area of
Kucukarmutlu in Istanbul. The houses were destroyed, many inhabitants were
wounded, and hundreds of people were arrested. On February 16 1991, Ali Riza
Erdogan, was thrown from the fourth floor of the police station in Beyoglu and

On March 12 1991, Esma Polat, was raped while in custody.

On March 14 1991, Yusuf Eristi “disappeared” in police custody.

On May 19 1991, Parihan Demirer was executed without trial.

On July 12 1991, ten revolutionaries were murdered in a police operation in

On September 1 1991, Ali Riza Karagoz was tortured to death by his torturers.

On October 27 1991, Huseyin Toroman was arrested in front of his house in
Kocamustafapasa and he disappeared while in police custody in one of the
torture centers.

The Balance Of His Time As Police Director Of Turkey. Number of murdered people
in operations against houses and on the streets: 124

Number of people who were tortured to death: 22

Prison sentences for journalists: 122 years

Fines against journalists: 21 billion TL

Number of murdered journalists: 8

Number of arrested journalists: 55


Member of parliament from the DYP. Leading position in the contra-guerrillas
and in drug dealing. The city of Lice is the centre of the heroin trade in the
Republic of Turkey. There, Bucak commands a 10,000 strong unit of “village
guards”. With this, he is the unquestioned overlord of this area and
responsible for the massacres that happen there. He described himself as a good
friend of Catli.

He was the sole survivor of the Susurluk accident.

CATLI Abdullah

alias Mehmet Özbey

One of the leading personalities in the contra-guerrillas and the international
drug trade.

In 1977, a leading member of the MHP, sentenced for the murder of seven members
of the opposition TIP (Turkish Labour Party).

May 13 1981: Involvement in the assassination attempt against the Pope. The
attempt was carried out by Mehmet Ali Agca, who was helped by Catli to escape
from a Turkish prison a short time before. Catli also gave him the weapon he
used. Some months after the attack, Catli made a statement as a witness at the
trial against Agca and three other Turks (one of them Oral Celik) and three
Bulgarians, and said the Bulgarian and Soviet secret services had ordered the

It is not surprising that Catli was not arrested even though he was wanted by
Interpol. At this time he developed a drugs and weapons trade involving Turkey,
the Sicilian mafia and the CIA.

In 1982 he went to South America with the well-known civil fascist, drug dealer
and Gladio member Stefano delle Chiae (who was sentenced for the bomb attack in
Bologna in 1980 in which 81 people were killed) and then went with him to
Miami, where they met CIA people.

According to a statement by Korkut Erken, he had been employed by MIT since
1983 to get rid of Kurdish, Armenian and Turkish revolutionaries living abroad.

In 1985 he appeared again as a witness against Ali Agca. Again, the Italian
police made no attempt to arrest him. In these proceedings he said the West
German secret services had paid him to say the Bulgarian and Soviet services
were behind the attack on the Pope.

This was confirmed by the ex-CIA agent Melvin A. Goodman, who said at a hearing
in the US Senate on September 25 1991: “The trail to the Bulgarian and
Soviet secret services was invented to present the USSR as a force for evil and
to divert attention from the close ties between the CIA and the far right in

Catli went to prison, first in France and then in Switzerland, for involvement
in drug dealing. He was released from jail in Switzerland by the Turkish secret

From 1994 he worked for the general police headquarters in Turkey.

It is known that Catli belonged to a group that was sent to the former Soviet
Republic of Azerbaijan to stage a coup against its leader Haydar Aliyev.

In 1995 he was sent to Cyprus to arrange provocations. In one of these bomb
attacks Kutlu Adali, a journalist on the newspaper Yeni Düzen, was killed.

Catli went to Cyprus on several occasions, where his bills were paid by OHAL
(Military Property Firm) and where, according to available account statements,
he received 65 billion Turkish lira. In Cyprus he had several meetings with
Topal, in whose murder he was a participant.

Catli was killed in the Susurluk accident. At the time he was carrying a
diplomatic passport which was arranged by Mehmet Agar personally.


At present, deputy prime minister and foreign minister of the Republic of
Turkey. Took over from Demirel as chair of the DYP in 1993 and became prime
minister of the coalition government with the SHP.

Ciller studied in the USA and is an American citizen. Her great wealth is the
result of her ties to the mafia.

When she was sent to Turkey in 1993, the question arose among many as to why
she left a nice place like America to assume the burdens of office in Turkey.
Love for the fatherland certainly had nothing to do with it. When her role in
the contra-guerrillas and mafia is examined, it is clear that she was offered
these political offices in order to establish control over the heroin trade in
Turkey. An offer she would find difficult to refuse. According to Korkut Erken,
the drugs trade in Turkey has a turnover of 25 billion dollars every year!

There are indications that she knew Catli personally. Tansu Ciller and her
husband Özer Ciller were more and more frequently named as ordering murder and
drug dealing and acting as protectors of drug cartels.


President of Turkey since 1993

Was in opposition for years and made promises like “Nobody will be fetched
by the police in the middle of the night! Torture shows contempt for human
beings, we are against any form of torture. We guarantee freedom!” In 1991
he was elected into government. He kept none of his promises. During his time
in office and also as president, the number of human rights violations
increased. As head of the government and as president, he cannot say he had no
idea what was going on.


At present, prime minister in the DYP and Refah coalition. Member of the
Department for Special Warfare. The involvement of Refah and Hizbullah with the
contra-guerrillas is still a relatively blank and undisclosed chapter in the
recent disclosures. It is clear that as head of the government he knew where
billions of Turkish lira went. Erbakan, like the ministers of his party, have
up to now done nothing to throw light on the background to Susurluk or to bring
those responsible to justice. Amongst other things, Justice Minister Sevket
Kazan (Refah Party) has failed to sign applications to lift Mehmet Agar’s
immunity from prosecution.


Former head of the Department for Special Warfare. Former deputy police chief
in Istanbul. His last position was head of the police school in Istanbul. He
died in the Susurluk crash.


At the start of 1996 until November 1996 (Susurluk) police president of
Istanbul. Former police president in Ankara.


At half past
seven in the evening on November 3 1996, on a main road about seven kilometres
from the town of Susurluk, a Mercedes with the licence plate 06 AC 600,driven
by the senior police official Huseyin Kocadag and belonging to the member of
parliament Sedat Bucak, collided with a lorry with the licence plate 20 RC721
whose driver had just come onto the main road from a petrol station stop. This
accident resulted in the deaths of the former deputy police chief H. Kocadag
(more recently trainer of the Special Police Units), Abdullah Catli (a murderer
wanted by police throughout the world, a convicted drug dealer and a former
deputy chairman of the fascist Grey Wolves) and Gonca Us (a former beauty queen
heavily involved in drug dealing), and altered the course of everyday life in
Turkey. As a result of this accident, the triangle of connections between the
state, the mafia and the police were exposed. In Susurluk, a part of the
Turkish state’s true face was exposed. This is the face of the
contra-guerrilla. The following chronology sets out the events which have taken
place up to the present.

November 3

After the accident, the interior minister Mehmet Agar said in his first
statement that this accident was nothing out of the ordinary. When journalists
asked if this proved a connection to the mafia, he answered: “the member
of parliament Sedat Bucak is our friend. His friendship with former police
chief Huseyin Kocadag is also quite normal. The car hit a lorry because of a
failed attempt to overtake.”

November 5

After the accident, the press began to ask questions. The answers to some
questions will be given later, while some still remain unanswered. Why did the
car involved in the crash contain an entire arsenal? What were automatic
weapons, of the MP5 model only used by police, doing in the car? What were
silencers of types compatible with the automatic weapons doing in the car?
Police do not use silencers, only assassins use them. Were they used to carry
out “murders by unknown perpetrators”? A diplomatic passport
belonging to Abdullah Catli was found in the car. How did a murderer and drug
dealer come by such a passport? The pass was issued in Sanliurfa/Suruc, the home
village of the MP Sedat Bucak. Which forces used Catli as a policeman? Where
did the money, reportedly found in two briefcases in the car, come from? Was it
drug money? Why did the briefcases disappear? Is the allegation true that the
occupants of the car had just met A Cakici (a mafia boss) in Kusadasi? If so,
what did they talk about? Already, bit by bit the network linking criminal
bands and the state had been exposed, through internal disputes involving the
gangs headed by Hayri Kozakcioglu (former governor of the state of emergency
area [Kurdistan]) and Necdet Menzir (former police chief) on the one side and
the bands of Erken (also a former governor of the state of emergency area) and
Interior Minister Mehmet Agar on the other. This exposure has been accelerated
by Susurluk.

When Kozakcioglu was transferred to Istanbul it was said he had taken a large
sum of money out of the state’s treasury. To cover him, President Demirel said
he had sent him the money.

The Turkish security police department MIT has also broken its silence. In a
published statement, it said that special units had been set up for the fight
against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) and Devrimci-Sol (Revolutionary
Left). These units, primarily formed from Grey Wolves members, had recourse to
means such as extortion, theft, threats, drug dealing and murder.

Some members of the special units were issued with diplomatic passports and
police IDs. Some were sent abroad to fight “terrorist groups”.
Moreover, money was obtained abroad by means of drug dealing. Police chiefs
reportedly headed these units.

Catli received his pass from the state. He is said to have been involved in
killing Kurds in Sapanca. He is also said to have played a leading role against
the Armenian organisation ASALA. With the help of his connections to the
officer Korkut Eken, who headed a similar gang, orders from the BOTAS business
were entrusted to him.

Besides Abdullah Catli, other gang members have been named:

Haluk Kirici, born in Erzurum in 1958, who studied at Ankara University. Member
of the Idealist Hearth associations of the Grey Wolves. Kirici was given a jail
sentence for murder.

Abdurrahman Bugday (or Bulday), born 1959 in Elazig/Palu, graduated from the
Ataturk secondary school in Malatya and is said to have killed a chauffeur
named Sanverdi on Dec. 20, 1979.

Sami Hosnav (nicknamed Arnavut Sami), drug dealer in Spain, Holland and
Colombia. He owns a shoe shop and has a share in a casino. Gangs are financed
from its earnings.

Sedat Peker, member of the Grey Wolves, took part in their actions in Germany
and Istanbul.

Mehmet Gozen, brother-in-law of Nurettin Guven, member of the Grey Wolves,
being sought on a smuggling charge.

Ali Yasak (Drej Ali), a feared and notorious man in the underworld, belongs to
the Bucak clan. He has good ties to police and parliament members.

November 6,

Mehmet Agar’s daughter stayed at the hotel where Bucak, Kocadag and Catli
stayed overnight. It is probable that all three met Agar.

November 7,

Mesut Yilmaz declares: “the state is occupied by thieves and murderers. We
have a lot of proof.” CHP deputies in parliament suggest setting up a
parliamentary commission to investigate Susurluk. According to the press, Tansu
Ciller sought Agar’s resignation.

November 8,

Interior Minister Agar resigned, using the pretext that his daughter was
seriously ill. This does not put an end to the government’s difficulties.

November 9,

Meral Aksener is named interior minister. The ANAP (opposition party) deputy
Carsancakli says: “It isn’t just Agar who is involved. Ozer and Tansu
Ciller are also involved. they are gang leaders. Catli phoned me a few times
and said: `Yesterday I had supper with Ciller, if you have any work I can deal
with it.’ He was certainly someone who met Agar and ate with Ciller.”

A card belonging to Haluk Kirici is said to have been found on the murderer
Haluk Kirici. A senior civil servant said this was done so he could move about
more freely, and added that when Kirici was arrested this year, the justice
minister intervened and he was freed. One of the policemen being accused made a
similar statement. Tansu Ciller is said to have set up paramilitary units and
used money from a secret state fund to pay them.

November 11,

According to a statement by the former MHP [fascist] and current ANAP member
Avni Carsancakli, Catli was connected to the Special Warfare Department and
regularly met Mehmet Agar.

November 13,

Former Grey Wolves start talking, one after the other. Ibrahim Ciftici:
“The state used us, Catli and those like him worked for the state. They
carried out operations on behalf of the state. When we were in prison, officers
came to us and told us we were friends of the fatherland. They urged us to
fight the PKK and promised that the state would forgive us.”

The chief advocate responsible for the Susurluk case said these people formed a
gang to commit crimes. He signed several arrest orders accordingly.

The TV news shows a video of Catli, who was sought by Interpol, attending a
wedding festival in the presence of the new interior minister, Meral Aksener,
and various police chiefs.

November 14,

The Istanbul lawyers’ office says efforts to shed light on Susurluk are fruitless.
The state lies behind it all, from drug smuggling to executions.

The weapons certificate held by Catli was signed by Mehmet Agar. This
designated Catli as holding a special police director’s pass. Moreover, Catli
was twice released after being arrested.

Shortly after the accident, someone is said to have phoned from Ankara to
demand that notebooks and lists of telephone numbers found at the scene of the
accident should be made to disappear. This was immediately done.

H. Baybasin, Kurdish drug dealer, most recently active in Holland, was given a
false identity card with which he had no problems in relation to military
service or obtaining visas. The pass was given to him so he could settle drug
dealing business abroad.

The CHP member of parliament from Erzincan, Mustafa Kul, said Catli was an
adviser on Agar’s staff and before the December 1994 elections he made an offer
to him to become an MP.

In the car at the accident, a yellowish white powder wrapped in aluminium foil
was found. It is assumed that this was heroin.

Mustafa Pehlivanoglu, who was sentenced for involvement in the 1981 murder of
five people in a coffee shop, said: “I hope everyone who put me in this
situation gets their just deserts. I have been condemned to death and I
therefore want to tell the people the truth. We all carried out murders and
assaults on the orders of Catli.”

November 15,

In a broadcast on Channel D, Mesut Yilmaz declares that Bucak’s bodyguards are
enforcers. He says also that members of the Special Units killed the gambling
chief Omer Topal, and statements by the killers and witnesses are available on
video. He said the state murdered with its own hands.

Agar says he never met Catli.

Investigations against a mafia gang, the Yuksekova gang, continue. Six members
who operated in Hakkari, in the southeast, were arrested.

The wife of Medet Serhat, a lawyer for Kurdish businessmen and mafiosi who was
killed by persons unknown, said her husband was probably shot from a distance
of two or three metres by Agansoy (a mafia member killed by Catici and Ciller’s

Lab tests show the powder in the crash vehicle was cocaine.

November 16,

Tuncer Gunay, investigative journalist states that after the coup of 1980
Abdullah Catli, Huseyin Kocadag, Alaatin Cakici and Oral Celik were given the
task by the state to lead special units in actions against the Armenian
organisation ASALA. According to Gunay, Catli murdered Agoc Agopyan.
Furthermore Catli is said to have taken Agca out of prison and he played an
active role in the murders of Behcet Canturk and Savas Buldan. Gunay states he
knows Catli since 1979 and he met him last in August, 1996.

Catli is said to have gone abroad in 1980. In that period suddenly the attacks
against ASALA started. ASALA is said to have not possessed a mass base and
supposedly consisted of units of some 20 militants. During meetings of the
general staff with leaders of the Special Operation Units, it was discussed how
ASALA could be destroyed. In that period there were only two organisations in
Turkey who would have been capable of doing that: the Turkish secret service
MIT and the police. But it was impossible for both to conduct actions abroad,
considering the laws of that time. Instead these two forces were to establish
special units who were going to do the job. The legendary MIT deputy-chief
Hiram Abas was also involved in leading these units. The developments after the
murder of “Casino King” Luftu Topal show the relations between
state-mafia-police even more clearly. According to the statements of the
policemen from the 3rd Special Unit, who were interrogated, Topal was also
involved in drug trafficking. As those responsible for the murder, they named
Tansu Ciller and Mehmet Agar. Mehmet Agar stated to the chief-editor of the
Hurriyet, Ertugrul Ozturk: “We’ve carried out thousands of operations. But
I can not tell more about this. The result of our operations was peace for the
people. It has been quiet in Turkey for three years now. But from now on we
cannot take anymore risks. In Cizre it was even impossible to walk peacefully
across the street. But now there is no difference anymore between the West and
the East.” Sadik Avunduoglu, chairman of the parliamentary investigation
committee for murders by unknown perpetrators, stated the wealth of Ciller was
clear evidence for her involvement with the mafia.

As a result of the accident in Susurluk:

the MIT report and the accusations it contains became public;

it became known that Interpolhad a international arrest warrant issued against
Abdullah Catli;

it was revealed that Catli received a diplomatic passport anyway;

it was probable that Bucak, Catli and Kocadag met Agar in the Princess Hotel;

it is thought that the nephew and the brother of the leader of the Soylemez
gang, Sene Soylemez, were murdered by a gang, led by Bucak;

it became known that the murderer Haluk Kirici, wanted for the massacre in
Bahcelievler 18 years ago, carried a card with him, signed by Mehmet Agar,
identifying him as a protÈgÈ;

it was revealed that an assault was planned against Abdullah Catli in 1996,
involving a policeman;

it was discovered that the members of the Special Operation Teams, Tekdemir
from Ankara and Mehmet Hadi Ozcan met Catli in Catli’s villa;

it became clear that Catli was taken out of a Swiss prison, where he was jailed
because of drug trafficking, most likely by the CIA;

it became clear that Turgul Turkes, the deputy chairman of the MHP (and of the
leading drug traffickers) met Catli in Nakhichevan and had something to do with
the former president of Azerbaijan, Elchibey,

Omer Ay, one of the closest friends of Catli in the 1970s, stated that Catli
cooperated with the state since the coup of September 12, 1980, carrying out
special operations;

it became known that the gun which Catli had registered belonged to Nihat Yasak
who recently lost his life during a confrontation.

November 17,

President Demirel to the press: “Let’s not burn down the whole house
because of one mouse. Susurluk was a mistake by the state.” According to
the putschist general Evren, they used the Grey Wolves for special actions. The
MIT even made use of enemies, and if this was going to continue, soon nobody
would want to work for the state. Necdet Menzir is said to have phoned chief of
police Mehmet Agar, warning him not to send his people to Menzir’s area.

Bodyguards of Sedat Bucak on trial for carrying out executions. Ayhin Carkin
and Omer Kaplan, official bodyguards of Sedat Bucak, are being prosecuted for
murder in five different cases, killing 13 people. One of the cases is the
attack against the coffee-shop Beyaz Saraz in Okmeydani, August 13, 1993, in
which five people were murdered. Witnesses testified that Selma Catlak (Tan)
was shot in front of their eyes, after she had surrendered. In the two trials
against both bodyguards, the prosecutor demanded 48 years of imprisonment in
total. The trials still continue. The courts are still busy with the operation
of January 27, 1992, in Mahmutbey in which Servet Sanim, Ismail Cengiz Gizenek
and Huseyin Yasar were murdered, the operation of March 24, 1992 in
Bahcelievler in which Ibrahim Yalcin Arikan, Avni Turan and Recia Dincer were
murdered (for the 2nd Court for Capital Crimes in Bakirkoy), the attack on
March 6, 1993 in Kartal in which Bedri Yagan, Gurcan Ozgur, Menekse Meral and
Rifat-Asiye Kasap were killed. The massacre in Okmeydani, mentioned above, in
which Selma Catlak, Mehmet Salgin, Sabri Atilmis,Hakan Kasa and Nebi Akyurek
were murdered, is now being tried by the 2nd Court for Capital Crimes in
Istanbul. The massacre of April 16-17 in Ciftehavuzlar in which Sabahat
Karatas, Sinan Kukul, Taskin Usta and Eda Yuksel were murdered, is being tried
by the Court for Capital Crime in Kayseri. The murder of Ibrahim Ilci is being
tried by the 4th Court for Capital Crimes in Istanbul. The murder of Nurten
Demir and Ismail Akarcesme is tried by the 1st Court for Capital Crime in

November 21,

Sedat Bucak is on HBB Television. Bucak, claiming he has 30,000 armed men under
his command, says he loved Catli like a brother. While he covers Catli with
compliments, he warns Yilmaz to be very careful. Mesut Yilmaz states there are
even ministers who give orders to the mafia: “These people are used for
jobs which do not benefit the state, they benefit the interests of certain
political tendencies. They cooperate with criminals for the money.” The
papers report that Agar had a secret meeting on September 2, 1993, with the
leaders of the Bucak clan. On this occasion, 1,500 Kalashnikovs were given to
the clan. The same offer was made to other clans, but most of them declined.
The members of the Bucak clan received the assurance that there would be no
unpleasant investigations into the affairs of the clan members in case they
agreed to fight against the PKK. Agar is said to have ordered the murder of the
Soylemez gang which is in jail. For this reason, Sedat Peker, convicted for the
possession of drugs, murder and assault – and probably a member of the Grey
Wolves – went to the prison where he beats up the prison director, saying:
“Why have they not been killed yet?” Agar is said to have been Haluk
Kirici wedding’s witness. When pictures of the wedding were published in the
papers, Agar claimed he did not have any idea whose wedding witness he had

November 22,

The office of Mesut Yilmaz is said to be bugged.

November 23,

Catli’s widow about the connections of her late husband: “It’s possible
some state officials helped my husband. He did work together with the state.
But he didn’t have a high opinion about that. It was known who Catli was, and
therefore they never disturbed him. My husband did not escape from this prison
in Switzerland, he was liberated, as everybody knows.” The CHP chairman
Deniz Baykal states: “When the events in Susurluk are solved, Ugur Dundar
(television journalist) and Dogu Perincek (publisher of the paper Aydinlik)
will die. Everybody will get his turn. The state kills people. We must get rid
of this burden, the state is executing its people. In Turkey, people are
blackmailed, kidnapped and murdered.”

Ciller calls Bucak, who plays a major role in the triangle of
mafia-state-police, a hero: “He fought against terror like a hero, nobody
should make the mistake to forget the past of these people.”

November 25,

The people are protesting. Several mass organisations set up committees to show
their reaction to the public. The democratic mass organisations started to set
up associations against organised crime. Mehmet Gul, former chairman of the
Ulku Ocaklari (association of the Grey Wolves) in Istanbul, says Catli escaped
from prison in Switzerland in the time that ANAP was in government and that
Catli cooperated in the ANAP party congress. Party chairman Yilmaz is said to
have met Catli before the congress. Yilmaz needed the support of the 300-500
fascist-orientated delegates to win the congress, and that is where Catli came
in. Catli primarily worked for Akbulut, but he also gave his support to Yilmaz.
A former member of parliament and former minister of culture in the period
Catli was in a Swiss prison, says: “Everybody who has been prime minister
or minister of the interior in Turkey should know Catli travelled abroad as an
agent, and they do know.” ANAP party chairman Mesut Yilmaz was attacked by
former fascists (at present mafia members) in the Hilton hotel in Budapest.

November 27,

Police director Alaatin Yuksel reports investigations in the last six months
revealed the existence of several gangs to which some 30 policemen belonged.
Yuksel says 350 policemen were suspended in one year and some 100 files still
had to be treated. It was again said that the death of gendarmerie commander
Esref Bitlis had not been the result of an accident, but that his plane had
been sabotaged. It is said that Bitlis was murdered by a uniformed gang in
Yuksekova. PKK renegade Kahraman Bilgic is supposed to belong to that gang as
well. These are no village guards, these are criminal gangs. The village guards
present a disturbing picture. In 11 years, 23,000 temporary village guards were
sacked, primarily because of murder, kidnapping, drug trafficking and arms
dealing. There are 76,906 village guards in Turkey, 14,872 of them are
volunteers. Ciller defends Catli: “Those who fire bullets for this state,
or who are shot, are remembered with respect, they are honourable.”

November 28,

Refah Party delegate Firat says: “Sedat Bicak has connections with the
contra-guerrillas, when the truth about the gangs is revealed, the oppression
in the east will also come to light. Sedat Bucak and his clan are doing nothing
that could be of benefit for Turkey, they are only involved in organised crime
and murder.” In 1982, Abdullah Catli went to Latin America, together with
the Italian della Chiesa, from there they went to Miami. The Turkish and the
Italian Gladio work together in the US.

A law to save Gladio. The minister of justice is preparing a new law. According
to this law, the number of crimes which are tried by the State Security Court
will be reduced. Membership of a criminal association (the mafia) will in future
no longer be a case for the State Security Court (“to reduce the workload
of the State Security Court”), it will become a case for the normal

A newspaper publishes the following article: “The victims of the gangs
were Kurds and Armenians. The first job of A. Catli and his gang, used in
Turkey for murder and trained by the Special Units, was the murder of Vedat
Aydin through torture. Later, at the funeral, these people opened fire at the
then party chairman Fehmi Isiklar and his friends. A. Catli and his friends
committed this murder, controlled by state institutions. Musa Anter, a critical
author, was murdered by these gangs. Sedat Bucak sheltered these murderers. It
would be naive to think the governor of the region knew nothing about this.”
After the office of the paper Ozgur Gundem was bombed, the police director of
Istanbul Menzir pointed at Agar as the one who gave the order, but nothing was
done. Thousands of people were murdered by these criminal gangs. High-ranking
officers, governors in this region and the former National Police Director Agar
knew about it. Almost all papers carry reports about these accusations.

November 30,

The expert about the drug trade between Germany and Turkey, Harald Luder,
explains that morphine is processed to heroin in laboratories in Istanbul.
Turkey has been transformed into one gigantic drug laboratory. A parliamentary
investigation commission began looking into the connections between the mafia,
the police and the state. But the democratic institutions have no hope the
commission will unearth the truth. The chairman of the European Islam
Association (ATIB), and accused of being an accessory in the plot against the
pope, Musa Serdar Celebi, states in the press: “The murders smell of the
state. In Turkey, murders by unknown perpetrators are committed by a dark
force. You can call it Gladio or the Department for Special Warfare if you
like, but they really exist in Turkey. They accused the Ulkucus (Grey Wolves)
then, but in reality it was Gladio. Gladio is walking around freely.”

December 2,

A reporter for the news agency Reuters interviewed Sedat Bucak, the only
survivor of the Susurluk accident. He reported: “Bucak, leading one of the
strongest clans in eastern Turkey, lives like a feudal landlord. He has
thousands of armed men under his command to fight against the PKK. The
government in Ankara, which has a policy of suppressing Kurdish rebellions by
using clans, applied the same policy as early as 1925 against the rebellion
which was led by Sheikh Said. The state granted the clans which fight the PKK
social and military privileges, thus creating a state within a state. For
example: Sedat Bucak doesn’t supply more than 2,000 village guards. But he
claims to have 10,000 village guards in arms, so he receives 1.3 million
dollars each month.” The money which was extorted from Omer Lutfu Topal
was taken from the bank by the murdered MIT [Turkish state intelligence agency]
spy Tarik Umit. Although the police discovered the money transfers, no measures
were taken.

December 3,

There are at least two gangs within the state. The minister of Industry said:
“The state is surrounded by gangs. It looks like there are at least two
gangs,fighting each other.” It is reported that at least 3,200 people were
urdered by “unknown perpetrators” in the southeast of the country,
hundreds of people in this region make a living by murdering people. Besides
intellectuals and democratic journalists like Musa Anter, Vedat Aydin and
Ferhat Tepe, gang members like Ahmet Cem Ersever from the JITEM (Gendarmerie
Intelligence Service) also became victims of internal gang wars. The papers
write about three major gangs among many others. One of them is the Diyarbakir
group, the second is the Sirnak group and the third one, considered the most
dangerous, is called “Sakallilar” (the “full-bearded
ones”). This information is said to have come from Cem Ersever,before he
was murdered. Cem Ersever, a long-time MIT agent, then founder and chief of the
JITEM, stepped down and told his friends and relatives that traitors were
involved in criminal affairs. They were said to be active in drug trafficking,
robbery and car theft. No state official can say these facts are false, that
Cem Ersever was lying. The Turkish Republic depends on traitors. Most unsolved
murders were committed by these traitors.

December 5,

The party chairman of the MHP (fascists), Alparslan Turkes concedes: the state
has used Abdullah Catli. It is claimed that Ciller ordered Ahmet Demir (known
as Yesil [“Green”]) to kill Abdullah Ocalan, giving him 25 billion TL
from a secret fund.

Yesil supposedly got scared and did not carry out the assault. However, he kept
the money. The murder should have been carried out by Yesil and Abdullah Catli.

The former Refah (Welfare Party) deputy, Hasan Mezarci claims Prime Minister
Necmettin Erbakan belongs to the Special Warfare Department, the source of all
the gangs. Erbakan’s statement that he would dismantle the gangs if they really
existed, is called untrustworthy by Mezarci: “Erbakan does not want to
solve this case. He just wants to cover it up… Nobody is sincere, concerning
solving the case. The gangs are not important, the Special Warfare Department
is… This department – right-wing, left-wing, fundamentalist and nationalist
gangs, it uses and protects them, until they are of no more use. Then they
produce new gangs. The problem is not Catli, there are thousands of Catlis who
work for the state.”

December 6,

The minister of the Interior, Meral Aksener, suspends police chief Kemal
Yazicioglu, the chief of the Special Warfare Department, Ibrahim Sahin, the
deputy chief of police Bilgi Unal and the three bodyguards of Sedat Bucak,
Ercan Ersoy, Ayhan Carkin and Oguz Yorulmaz. Ugur Dundar presents his program:
the murder of Omer Lutfu Topal was solved, but the investigations were stopped
by Ankara. Yazicioglu was suspended because he passed his information about the
murder of O. Lutfu Topal to Prime Minister Erbakan. New accusations:

There were two more persons involved in Omer Lutfu Topal’s casino in the
Sheraton Hotel in Istanbul: Sami Hostan (“Arnavut Sami”) and Mehmet
Ozbay (Abdullah Catli); Catli wanted to buy Topal’s share, but he refused. – It
was decided to kill Topal. The major roles in this murder were played by Arnavut
Sami and one of his men. Ali Tevfik. The murder was committed by the three
bodyguards of Sedat Bucak; After the murder, phone calls were made with mobile
telephones. One minister was phoned as well. “The operation has been
completed successfully”, the murderers said; The Istanbul police arrested
the three bodyguards, Arnavut Sami and Ali Tevfik. Arnavut Sami and Ali Tevfik
confessed to the murder when interrogated. They say they received the order
from a minister and the wife of a well-known politician; These statements were
passed on to Ankara;

The deputy chief of police and Ibrahim Sahin, leader of the Special Warfare
Department, arrived in Istanbul to bring the arrested to Ankara.

Police chief Kemal Yazicioglu opposed this.Thereupon Mehmet Agar, the minister
of the interior himself, gave the order to bring these five people to Ankara;

The day before yesterday, Kemal Yazicioglu passed on all his information about
the murder of O. Lutfu Topal to Erbakan;

Kemal Yazicioglu was suspended because he solved the murder of Topal.

Mesut Yilmaz, chairman of ANAP (Motherland Party) said: “There are three
gangs within the state.. They’re killing each other because they don’t want to
share the money from the heroin trade.”

After the massacre in the Diyarbakir Prison, in which 11 prisoners were
murdered, parliament sets up an investigation committee. The Refah deputy Okcu,
member of this committee, stated that even governors do not have any control
over the acts of JITEM and the intelligence service in the southeast. He said
certain forces were influencing the state and that the state was having
contacts with circles of traitors and fascists in the region, allowing the
existence of gangs like the Soylemezler and Yuksekova gangs. The attacks inside
the prisons were organised by these forces. Okcu described the massacre in
Diyarbakir prison as “a massacre which was carried out by traitors,
supervised by the state”.

December 7,

It was revealed that Sedat Bucak’s bodyguards (also members of a special unit)
took leave a few days before the murder. One of the policemen yelled at Ibrahim
Sahin, the leader of de Special Warfare Department: “Did you come to kill
us, or are you going to save us?” The minister of the Interior, Meral
Aksener, stated no fingerprints were found on the weapons which were secured in

December 8,

Journalists were attacked at Catli’s funeral. The police watched the attack but
did not intervene. The attack was carried out by supporters of Ali Yasak.
According to another accusation, the Ozgur Gundem journalist Nazim Babaoglu was
kidnapped and murdered by members of the Bucak clan on March 12, 1994, in
Siverek. He was found murdered and his body showed the marks of severe torture.
Bucak’s village guards supposedly called Babaoglu. telling him to come to
Siverek for a story. Thereupon Babaoglu was kidnapped by the village guards
Gani and Ahmet Karakaya.

December 10,

On March 16, 1978, seven revolutionary students were murdered in a bomb attack
at the entrance of the Istanbul University. The trial is still going on at the
Istanbul Criminal Court. According to statements of accused policemen and some
fascists who gave statements to the press after the attack, the massacre was
organised and led by Catli personally. The state prosecutors demanded
punishment of the supporters and accomplices of Catli. A retired MIT agent who
took part in several major operations said Catli and his friends were not
ordered by the MIT in the ASALA operation [against an anti-Turkish Armenian
group]. The orders came from a group organised by Kenan Evren, then state
president. Hiram Abas and Mehmet Aymur played the major roles. A high-ranking
bureaucrat, active during the presidency of Ozal, claimed the failed assault
against Prime Minister Ozal was carried out by the same gang and the assailant
Kartal Demirag was supported by fascists and the police chief of Ankara in
those days, Mehmet Agar. The accused in the Topal murder case were accusing
Ozer Ciller, Tansu Ciller’s husband, and Mehmet Agar. “They knew about the
murder plan,” they stated against the Istanbul police. Sedat Bucak is
protecting his bodyguards and rejected the accusations against them.

December 12,

On the day of the accident Catli carried papers which were signed by the
minister of the Interior himself. Catli’s gun permit said: “The person
shown this photo, Mehmet Ozbay, works at the police directorate as a specialist
and is allowed to carry guns.” Investigations by the Criminal laboratory
showed the signature was authentic. After this, state prosecutor Nihat Artiran
requested the immunity of Mehmet Agar be lifted to make a trial against him

December 14,

According to new reports, fingerprints of Abdullah Catli were found on the
cartridge found at the scene of the murder of Topal. The ANAP chairman, Mesut
Yilmaz, stated: “This is just the tip of the iceberg.” Abdullah Catli
is said to have founded three firms, using a false name. After he was elected
in the board of the association Ulku Yolu (a fascist association), he led the
organisation and the actions from Nevsehir. This is also the place where he
became friends with the later chief of the Special Warfare Department. It was
revealed that Ibrahim Sahin was convicted of torture during his time of office
in Nevsehir. Sahin is said to have been a militant member of the MHP and
involved in the murder of the CHP (social democrat) chairman in Nevsehir. Agca
[the would-be murderer of the pope] and Catli received false passports from the
police directorate in Nevsehir in that period.

December 16,

According to a paper’s investigation, 18 organised gangs exist in Turkey. While
many abduction cases in the southeast could not be solved, Necip Barkan was
kidnapped on September 22 by persons who dressed like PKK guerrillas. The kidnappers
demanded 130,000 dollars from Barkan’s family in the name of the ERNK. Later it
became known that the kidnapping was organised by the chief of a special unit
of traitors and village guards. Proof of this was presented to the
parliamentary commission which investigates the Susurluk incident. According to
these documents, village guards, traitors and special units, dressed up like
PKK guerrillas, carry out murders, deal drugs, burn down villages, kidnap
people and make them disappear. The evidence is clear. The gangs were
supervised by the state and their acts became known because of internal feuds.
According to the same documents, 430 investigations were started against
members of the police force between April 30 and October 31, 1996. Among them were
71 police presidents and 15 chief commissioners. 119 policemen were tried
already, the cases against 371 others are still going on.

December 17,

It was revealed that Abdullah Catli received “special attention” when
he was given a diplomatic passport. According to a police statement, the
preferential treatment was ordered by a police president, but they didn’t
remember the name of this official, they claimed. Dozens of Mafia gangsters
received diplomaticpassports in the same way. The file of state prosecutor
Nihat Artiran, requesting that the immunity of Mehmet Agar be lifted, was
handed over to the Justice Department. Artiran was taken off the case. Catli
worked for Mehmet Agar in the 1995 elections. The MHP lost 6% of their vote in
Elazig. (Mehmet Agar stood for the DYP)

December 18,

The order to bring the policemen, suspected of murder, from Istanbul to Ankara
was given by Mehmet Agar. Ibrahim Sahin, in the meanwhile suspended as chief of
the Special Warfare Department, said he received this order from Mehmet Agar.
The chief of police in Istanbul, Kemal Yazicioglu, was said to have sent an
invitation to Abdullah Catli for a religious festivity during his office in
Izmir. The fascist A. Kirici, wanted by the police, was said to have been in the
car which was behind the Mercedes belonging to Bucak when it crashed in
Susurluk. He was said to have done the most to save Catli. After Catli’s death,
Kirici supposedly took over the organisation. Kirici is said to have been
Catli’s right hand. He took part in several operations, next to Catli. After
Catli’s death, Kirici disappeared from sight. He was said to have good
relations with Sedat Bucak and once in a while he was said to hide in Siverek.
The chief prosecutor of Istanbul, Ciftci, said the police are not passing on
their information. A fax, sent by the state prosecution to the police
directorate in Istanbul, showed information was passed on very late, and the
names of the arrested wasn’t even given to the prosecution. Investigations were
carried out in the name of the state prosecution without their knowledge. The
minister of Defence, Turhan Tayan, stated 400 billion TL were spent daily for
the anti-terror campaign. In 1996, the Turkish government spent 80 billion
daily for the Gendarmerie, 40 billion for the land forces, and 5 billion for
the air forces. According to the MGK (the National Security Council) report
weapon smugglers pay billions in bribe money to members of parliament which use
their immunity to carry out their deals without being disturbed.

December 19,

The evidence against the Yuksekova gang disappeared. Video tapes and documents
about the Yuksekova gang, consisting of members of the special units, traitors
and village guards, have gone missing. The officer Huseyin Oguz, who discovered
this gang, was threatened with death and he was transferred to another city.
His lawyer, Yasar Alturk, said the first investigation took nine days and the
tapes and the documents were handed over to the appropriate officials. Some of
these officials then made this evidence disappear.

December 21,

The report of the MIT to the MGK (National Security Council) says the village
guards in the southeast are no longer under the control of the state. They are
said to have become criminal gangs.

December 22,

According to the deputy department chief of the MIT, M. Eymurs, the MIT killed
Tarik Umit after he was interrogated by Catli. Mehmet Agar and Ibrahim Sahin,
the chief of the Special Warfare Department, are said to be responsible for
this case. After 1980, the MIT used Catli abroad. Eymur: “When we heard
Catli was dealing in drugs, we dropped him, then the police directorate used
him.” During an operation in Kocaeli, a gang of 27 people was caught. This
gang is held responsible for seven murders, five disappearances, two
kidnappings and seven cases of extortion. The leader of this gang is said to be
Mehmet Hadi Ozcan, a close friend of Catli.

Meral Aksener charges village guards.Aksener is sacking 23,000 village guards.
Up to now it was determined that 296 village guards committed murder, four
village guards kidnapped men, 77 village guards were guilty of kidnapping women
and girls and many village guards were involved in the smuggling of drugs and

Catli was said to be trained by the Israeli MOSSAD and the CIA. His weapon
originated in Israel. It was found in the car in Susurluk. Because this kind of
weapon is not used in Turkey, it became known these weapons originated from a
deal between the Turkish police and Israel.

December 25, 1996:

Yasar Oz’s gun permit, handed over by ANAP leader Mesut Yilmaz to the
parliamentary commission, was of the same type as the gun permit which was
issued to Abdullah Catli. It was established that it was printed on the
samekind of paper, carrying the same text and the same signature. Sevket Kazan
opened the case against Haluk Kirici who was recently arrested but immediately
released because he possessed a special document. Haluk Kirici, accused because
of the Bahcelievler massacre, was released on probation in 1989. Later he was
wanted because of another crime. He was arrested in April, but he managed to
escape, helped by two policemen. When his papers were checked, a policeman
discovered Haluk Kirici was in the possession of a document, signed by Mehmet Agar,
with the request to help the owner. Agar also phoned and prevented Kirici being
taken into custody. But Agar denies all of this. The MIT report states Haluk
Kirici was arrested, together with Ayhan Akca (member of a special unit),
because of the murder of Tarik Umit. A phone call was made to the police
station to have him released again. During his time as governor of Erzurum,
Mehmet Agar was Haluk Kirici’s wedding witness.

December 26,

The national chief of police Alladin Yuksel broke his silence. Yuksel reported
the police was in the possession of Catli’s fingerprints: “Surely the
friends in Istanbul have some explaining to do how these fingerprints were
misplaced”, accusing the Istanbul chief of police, Kemal Yazicioglu. In a
television programme on HBB, Yuksel stated Catli’s fingerprints first showed up
in the attack against a student hostel in 1977, and for the last time in
Susurluk. According to Yuksel,the Gendarmerie came into action immediately
after the accident in Susurluk:

“After the incident the Gendarmerie came into action. The files in this
case, containing all the information from the car, were secured by the

Yuksel said the investigations were started immediately upon requests by the
state prosecution and the state security court. Yuksel also said that the three
policemen, wanted because they belonged to the Soylemez gang, had not been
apprehended yet: “That depends on the methods of apprehension. Because of
their tasks, they have a lot of acquaintances, it’s possible they hide with

Huseyin Baybasin, arrested in 1995 in the Netherlands in the case of the drug
ship Lucky-S, claims to have smuggled drugs together with relatives of Mehmet
Agar: Yumus Agar and Yalcin Akcadag (Mehmet’s uncle) using the oil trade as a
cover. Baybasin states they were transporting petrol from Libya, taken drugs on
board along the way, smuggling these into the Netherlands. Baybasin also

“Nobody was allowed near the ship by the police. Suleyman Basgol, chief of
police in that time, was there as well. Nobody can claim to have seen nothing.
This was all done under the supervision of the Istanbul police.” According
to Baybasin, Mehmet Agar was making 500,000 dollars a month and he demanded
Agar should explain where all his wealth came from.

December 28,

The Special Units Academy in Golbas was visited by Tansu Ciller, together with
the minister of the Interior Meral Aksener, minister Bekir Aksoy, DYP delegate
Hayri Kozakciogly, Unal Erkan, Saffet Arikan Beduk and the national chief of
police. Ciller made a statement about the recent reports about the police, the
MIT, the Special Units and similar organisations: “Your orders are not
coming from those who attack you, they’re coming from the state. This country
is grateful to you. The nation is proud of you, now they’re trying to denounce

They are the enemies of the fatherland, we have many who fell, who were
murdered by the enemies of the fatherland. I know you’ll save the country. I
call upon all who falsely accuse you: Stop, do not cross the line. The persons
who are conspiring against you will be ashamed one day. I know you love our
nation and your country very much. I respect your work. Keep your heads up
high. All those who are against you will have to fight, because we will not
allow them to win. I will always be behind you.” Tansu Ciller and the
others also dressed in Special Unit uniforms. The former MIT member Korkut
Eken, who later became advisor of the minister of the Interior Mehmet Agar,
stated he was a friend of Catli. He said so on December 27 in front of the
parliamentary commission. Catli had been his friend, and Eken added that Catli
had been used by the state since 1980, claiming it was impossible that MIT
chief Eymur had not known Catli. Eken: “Catli was used as an informant
about the PKK after 1994 in Germany. I know Catli did some jobs for the
state.” He also said: “I know Tarik Umit, but I haven’t seen him in
three years. I did not kill Tarik Umit.”

1 January 1997

“SABAH” said that, though he had a police record since 1961, slain
casino king Omer Lutfu Topal had managed to secure from the Istanbul Judicial
Records Department a paper which said that he was “clean.” That
document enabled him to get licences to operate 13 gambling facilities in the
country. Topal had been imprisoned in the United States and the Netherlands for
narcotics smuggling. He also had a long police recordback home involving not
only narcotics smuggling but also murder. At the recent party leaders’ Susurluk
summit Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan had asked, “How could such a man
get a licence?”

Here is the list of the ministers who had permitted Topal to operate casinos:
Adana Seyhan Hotel (ANAP’s Ilhan Akuzum in 1991), Saray Regency (ANAP’s Bulent
Akarcali in 1991), Ofo Hotel, Aydin Onura (both authorized by SHP’s Abdulkadir
Ates in 1992), Polat Renaissance, Grand Kaptan (both authorized by SHP’s
Abdulkadir Ates in 1993), Mersin Hilton, Seven Seas Hotel (both authorized by
SHP’sAbdulkadir Ates in 1994), Bodrum Park Resort (CHP’s Irfan Gurpinar in
1995, but at that time Topal was no longer a member of the company operating
the casinos), Ersin Topkapi (CHP’s Irfan Gurpinar, 1996, again Topal was not a
board member), Ceylan Intercontinental (1996, application received but
permission denied because of certain shortcomings).

2 January 1997

“RADIKAL”. Yasar Öz, in whose name a green passport-signed by DYP
Deputy and former Interior Minister Mehmet Agar-had been issued similar to the
one Catli was carrying when he died, turned out to be an alias used by Esref
Cudar, the uncle of Meral Catli, Abdullah Catli’s wife. Cudar is known as an
Abkhazian-Circassian nationalist. He is a friend of Selim Gosterisli, the
mysterious figure who had acted as an intermediary between the Turkish
authorities and the group of Abkhazian nationalists who had commandeered the
Avrasya ferry in the Black Sea in early 1996. A suspected narcotics smuggler
and author of counterfeit passports, “Yasar Oz” is one of the names
cited in the 59-name National Intelligence Organization (MIT) list disclosed
partly by Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan at the Dec. 22 summit meeting of
party leaders.

10 January

“MILLIYET” said that the Ankara chief prosecutor prepared the
documents needed to formally ask Parliament, via the Justice Ministry, to strip
two deputies implicated in the Susurluk incident of their legislative immunity
so that they can be prosecuted. The two are Sedat Bucak and Mehmet Agar, both
of them members of the True Path Party (DYP).

11 January

“HÜRRIYET” said that the Prime Ministry Board of Inspectors presented
its Susurluk report to Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan on Thursday. The board
recommended in its report that complaints be filed against 35 persons. The list
includes the names of Mehmet Agar, Sedat Bucak, Halil Tug, deputy director
general of security; Ibrahim Sahin, the former acting director of the Special
Operations Department; Kemal Yazicioglu, Istanbul’s former police chief; Bilgi
Ünal, Istanbul’s former deputy police chief; Ayhan Carkin, Ercan Ersoy, Oguz
Yorulmaz, Ayhan Akca, Ziya Bandirmalioglu, Enver Ulu, Ömer Kaplan, Mustafa
Altinok-all special team members; Sami Hostan, Ali Fevzi Bir, a close friend of
Hostan; Haluk Kirci, the right hand man of Abdullah Catli, Turgay Marasli,
Sedat Demir, the former head of the Law and Order Department of Istanbul;
Korkut Eken and Yasar Öz. “RADIKAL” reported on the activities of the
parliamentary research commission looking into the mysterious traffic accident
in Susurluk and the “police-mafia-politician relationship”. On
Thursday the commission heard Sönmez Köksal, the National Intelligence
Organization (MIT) undersecretary. In reply to questions, Koksal said,
“The MIT uses and benefits from persons who can bring in information from
the street. Tarik Ümit was not a salaried staff member of the MIT. He was a
person serving the MIT by bringing in information and getting rewarded for his
services in various ways.” Köksal refused to give an answer when he was
asked whether he knew Catli.

“DEMOKRASI”. Like Catli and the chairman of the Great Union Party
(BBP), Muhsin Yazioglu, Burak Eke (nowadays member of the board of Ziraat
Leasing) belonged to the hard-core members of the Grey Wolves before 1980.

It is reported that Burak Eke travelled to the Black Sea coast before 1980 to
collect weapons on orders of Catli.

Because of his work for the Ziraat Bank, Burak Eke has good contacts with firms
in Israel. During Tansu Ciller’s time as prime minister, he frequently went to
Israel to prepare a training camp for the Grey Wolves. He also frequently
visited the headquarters of the Grey Wolves in Azerbaidzjan where he was one of
the people who planned the coup against Elcibey.

This was also confirmed by former members of the Grey Wolves.

January 20

“DEMOKRASI” said that when a group of journalists showed up for a
scheduled press conference in downtown Istanbul on Saturday,opposition Labor
Party (IP) leader Dogu Perincek unexpectedly took them in a bus to a campsite
in a wooded area in Kurtkoy near Pendik, a suburban district of Istanbul. He
said that this was the site where the “gunmen” of the Ülkücüs (youth
organization of MHP) had been trained, fugitives from justice had been
sheltered, and certain persons were interrogated and killed after being

Stressing that he came to know about the camp thanks to the confessions of
seven former Ülkücüs who had contacted the IP, Perincek distributed to the
journalists copies of these Ülkücüs” statements in which they said that bodies
of many persons killed by Ülkücüs were buried in the campsite. These included
the body of Mustafa Dogan, a policeman said to have been the person who staged
the March 16 massacre in Istanbul in the 1970s where scores of university
students were killed by a bomb. Perincek said that Ibrahim Gümrükcioglu, the
man who tried to assassinate President Süleyman Demirel, had been trained in
the camp, and Selcuk Parsadan, the con artist involved in a scandal involving
Tansu Ciller using the prime ministry slush fund, had been
“interrogated” in the camp.

Journalists saw on the site a Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) flag. There were
five two-story houses and a barn, all riddled with bullets, as well as a number
of wells. There were army or hostel-type metal lockers in the buildings and
lots of empty cartridges on the premises, remnants of bullets fired from air
guns and hunting rifles. The site is occupied by a shepherd and his family for
the time being.

“CUMHURIYET” quoted Perincek as saying, “Kemal Oktem, who was
the administrator of the camp, had committed 33 murders. In fact, there is more
substantial evidence than in the case of Susurluk.” The camp is seven
kilometers away from the Kurtkoy gendarmerie station. The site belonged to the
father of Kemal Oktem, who is known as the person who trained Alaattin Cakici,
well as many other rightwing activists.

A board member of the Grey Wolves, Gölcük Murtaza Didin, confirmed the
statement of Dogu Perincek that there was a training camp of the Grey Wolves in
Kurtköy, a village near Istanbul. He said: “I have known the leader of the
training camp in Kurtköy, Kemal Oktem, for 20 years. I have been there for 2
years myself and I was trained there as well.” Gölcük described the camp
as “a place of physical and armed training, a place for the underground
people, a place were people became monsters.”

“DEMOKRASI” said that it had been determined, via a number of
photographs, that two of the three special team members arrested as prime
suspects in the July 1996 assassination in Ankara of casino king Ömer Lütfü
Topal, had been involved in last year’s Gazi districtincidents in Istanbul.
They are Ayhan Carkin and Ercan Ersoy.

“HÜRRIYET” said that Yasar Öz has been in Britain. Tahsin Simsek, a
man who says he has been acquainted with Öz since the day the latter arrived in
Britain, says, “Öz used to smuggle illegal aliens from Turkey to London,
charging 3,000 to 4,000 pounds for each counterfeit passport he supplied. When
he arrived he did not have a penny. Three and a half years later he owned a
coffeehouse worth 100,000 pounds. Then he was caught and expelled from the
country.” Nafiz Bostanci, known for claiming in the past that the National
Intelligence Organization (MIT) had tried to assassinate him, says Öz had
brought into Britain some 150 illegal aliens. He says that some time after
being expelled, Öz returned to Britain, this time carrying a green passport
which enabled him to travel abroad without having to obtain a visa. Öz had been
apprehended in his house in Istanbul during a police raid in 1995. The incident
was covered up. Mehmet Agar, at that time director general of security, ordered
the Istanbul police to set Öz free and to send to Ankara the green passport,
special gun carrying license, two drivers’ licenses and the two guns with
serial numbers erased found in his possession. Both Agar and Necdet Menzir, who
was at that time Istanbul’s police chief, now face irregularity charges arising
from that incident.

23 January

“HÜRRIYET” said an erroneous German Press Agency (DPA) news item had
caused a lot of turmoil in Ankara, with a story in which a chief judge at a
Frankfurt court accused the Turkish Government, especially one of its members,
Deputy Prime Minister Tansu Ciller, of protecting narcotics smugglers. The Turkish
Foreign Ministry issued a verbal protest to the German Embassy in Ankara and
the DPA issued a corrected version which said that the German chief judge in
question, Rolf Schwalbe, was merely referring to a defendant’s claim about
Ciller. The DPA was reporting on the trial of three Turks, one of whom,
identified as Mustafa K., told the court that “two families supplying
heroin to Europe, the Senocaks and the Baybasins” were “being
protected by Ciller.”

“YENIYÜZYIL” quoted Justice Minister Sevket Kazan as saying that the
plane crash which killed Gendarmerie Commander Esref Bitlis four years ago must
definitely have resulted from an act of sabotage. He said, “Experts’
reports make that clear. Earlier, General Bitlis had been the target of an
attack on Dec. 17, 1992 while he was on his way to northern Iraq.”

Yesterday, the former police chief of Istanbul, Necdet Menzir, stated in front
of the Susurluk Investigation Committee: “On January 13, 1994, the police
headquarters in Adana sent a letter to the Istanbul headquarters, reporting
that Ali Rizaoglu was arrested at the Adana airport because he had a fake
passport on the name of Metin Bozdogan. His telephone was registered on the
name of Yazar Oz. Thereupon the police raided the house of Yazar Oz where they
found a gun, a Smith & Wesson 9 mm, ammunition, a 38. pistol, a gun permit,
a drivers licence – showing the picture of Yazar Oz but registered on the name
of Esref Cudar on March 2, 1993, and 2 diplomatic passports – one on his real
name and one on the name of Tarik Umit – issued by the Department of Home

The gun permit showed a guarantee by Mehmet Agar that Yazar Oz had his
permission to carry a gun. Before Yazre Oz was sent to Istanbul, Mehmet Agar
called my representative, Mestan Sener, and said: “We are using this
person, he will participate in an operation soon. We prepared his passport and
the other documents. Send all documents to us and let our man go.”

Asked by journalists if he was released without checking whether he was guilty
or not, Menzir answered: “In the police force we have the rule that an
order from above has to be followed. We asked again to be sure, and we received
the same answer.”

“Were the diplomatic passports real ones?” Menzir: “They were
real. Agar confessed to me and my deputy that they had issued them.”
“Is it so easy to issue the security police passports?” Menzir:
“No, normally they are not issued that easy. It was against the law.”
Is it usual for the state to use such people”. Menzir: “Yes, that’s
normal. The state uses such people once in a while.”

24 January

“MILLIYET” and “HÜRRIYET” published photos showing a top
police official and a prime massacre suspect having fun, arm-in-arm “like
old friends,” at a circumcision ceremony which was held at Avrasya Music
Hall on Sept. 3, 1995. One of the people in the picture was Abdullah Catli. The
other person was Ibrahim Sahin. Sahin has been suspended following the Susurluk
incident after Wednesday.

Meral Catli said that her husband had been “the state’s man”. She
said she believed it was Turkish government officials who enabled Catli to
escape from a Swiss prison after heroin was found in his possession. She said,
“He used to know many politicians. One day he told me he met with (ANAP
leader) Mesut Yilmaz, that he worked for his (the ANAP) congress, and that Mr.
Yilmaz thanked him for his services.

He used to have talks frequently with (controversial former National
Intelligence Organization official) Korkut Eken.”

“MILLIYET” quoted Meral Catli as saying that Abdullah Catli had met
in Germany with former President Kenan Evren, the leader of the 1980 coup.

“CUMHURIYET” referred to the testimony True Path Party (DYP) deputy
Mehmet Agar gave recently at the parliamentary Susurluk commission. He said in
1988 he wanted to bring charges against the National Intelligence Organization
(MIT) which had made certain accusations concerning him. He said that he was
prevented from doing so by then Prime Minister Turgut Özal. Referring to
Abdullah Catli he said, “I may have known him as Mehmet Özbay.” Agar
underlined the greatness of Turkey, stressed that the fight against terrorism
would continue, and said, “DYP leader Tansu Ciller’s abandoning me does
not mean anything.”

“DEMOKRASI” extradited to Turkey by Swiss authorities on Sept. 14, Oral
Celik, a key name in various criminal cases including the assassination attempt
on Pope John Paul II, has been put on trial for the assassination in Istanbul
nearly two decades ago of MILLIYET editor in chief Abdi Ipekci and for the
murdering in Malatya of a teacher. He has been cleared in both cases and is now

When he arrived in Turkey he had, with a smile on his face, told journalists he
wanted to be tried in Turkey. On Jan. 10 he threatened that he would speak up.
On the following day the court dealing with the Ipekci murder case acquitted
him for lack of conclusive evidence. On Jan. 22 he was released by a court in
Malatya on the grounds that the main files containing information and evidence
on the case had been “lost.” So Celik walked out as a free man.

“ZAMAN” said that Ekrem Marakoglu, who had served as Topal’s lawyer,
told the Istanbul State Security Court that “a person very close to
Cankaya (the Presidential Palace) had sent Hüseyin Kocadag as a mediator to
Topal when the chairman of the chamber of commerce of a big city lost TL 140
billion in gambling. He said, “Kocadag thought that he should have been
made Istanbul’s police chief after Necdet Menzir. He accepted the mediation
offer because he hoped that the
Œperson close to Cankaya’ could help him get that post.”

January 28,

“CUMHURIYET”. The Turkish Writers Association protested against the
events of the past days, against the “gangs, the hangmen and the
reactionaries” and they called for unity against it.

The chairman of the general department against smuggling and organised crime,
Tuncay Yilmaz, stated that Hüseyin Baybassin, wanted by Interpol for drug
trafficking, is being used as an agent by England.

On April 13, 1970, a group of 12 Grey Wolves, stormed the main building of the
Hacateppe Medical Faculty in Sihhiye. Professor Dr. Necdet Güclü was murdered
by a bullet through his head. Witnesses recognised Ibrahim Erdogan as one of
the perpetrators. He was convicted but released 4 years later after the
intervention of Amnesty International. Ibrahim Erdogan is a physician nowadays
and a member of parliament.

February 5,

“DEMOKRASI” On February 5, a banner was hung from the fifth floor of
a flat in Mersin. The banner read: “Let us demand justice for Susuluk. The
truth must not be hidden. DHKP-C”. It took the police one hour to remove
the banner.

“KURTULUS”. On January 31, the city administration destroyed 19 jobs
in the Adnan Mendres Boulevard in Adana, claiming there was no permission. The
city denied the owners to save their property before the demolition of the
building. The people resisted and yelled: “The gangs are walking around
free and our shops are being destroyed”.

“YENIYÜZYIL”. The deputy chairman of the Security Directorate of the
Intelligence Service, Hanefi Avci, in his statement about Susurluk: “The
Turkish secret service, MIT, and the gendarmes worked together with special
organisations in their fight against the PKK. After we lost control over these
persons, they started to work together with illegal organisations.”

“MILLIYET”. A hitherto secret manual of the CIA has now been
published. The book, “Manual for the use of human potential” from
1983, also gives guidelines for torture. The book explains how to break the
resistance of a prisoner by using fear and the change of perception. The book,
stemming from the Reagan area, was used for training the security forces and
anti-Communist units.

The manual describes how to deal with arrested people. The interrogation room
should have no windows, it should be sound proof, and there should be no
toilet. The interrogation room is described as a stage of war for the
interrogated and the interrogators. The interrogated persons should be made to
believe that their rescue is in the hands of the interrogators. The manual also
describes experiments which were conducted with volunteers of the CIA.



(Inonu to
Suleyman Genc during a visit

on April 22, 1970)

The youth
leader in 1970 decided to make a report about NATO, CENTO, oil, the national
economy, the building industry, the nationalisation of natural resources and
independence. This report was meant for the then Prime Minister Inonu. Suleyman
Genc took this task upon himself. After Inonu read the report, he told Suleyman

“Let me tell you what happened to me once: I was prime minister in 1963.
The situation on Cyprus was growing tense. The London-Zurich Treaty was
unilaterally changed by the Cypriot state minister. I called for a meeting of
the council of ministers and we discussed the necessary security measures. We
decided on a policy we were going to implement. The meeting was concluded and
my friends left. Forty-five minutes later the American consul phoned and asked
for a meeting. He indicated he wanted to talk to me about the problems in
Cyprus. I agreed. He listed all we had discussed during the meeting. `These are
dangerous thoughts, these could lead to dangerous reactions. The Turkish
government must not be the cause of such dangerous events,’ he told me.

Inonu in 1970:

“I give an order, and before I even get the results, Washington knows
about it”

During a
meeting in 1964, Ismet Inonu reported how the CIA was organised in Turkey under
the name of “advisers-experts”:

“We still want an independent policy, full of character. Everybody is
talking about the same things. But how am I going to do this. I will decide and
give the matter into the hands of experts. Can they do this? They are
surrounded by foreign advisers, and it is all being delayed. And when this
doesn’t help, they take security measures. I give an order, and before I even
get the results, Washington knows about it. I do not get the results from my
civil servants, I get them from the foreign advisers. Have we handed over the
state like this? They never showed me a report which constituted a real
solution. All was forbidden. All we do, we do it with our people. And so
thousands of people just walk around, having certain abilities. And now these
gangs are on the agenda. We could have resolved the tension between the two
states ourselves. It’s all about the attack on our own powers of initiative.
They were prepared to make a proposition if we agreed to accept even one of
their experts. We didn’t agree. We knew perfectly why they wanted this. And
they knew perfectly why we didn’t agree. That’s how things are.

They make
promises, and when you sign, they arrive the next day. Then just you try to get
rid of them again! They will not leave anymore. But we have to consider this
seriously. Otherwise it’s impossible to conduct an independent foreign and
domestic policy. Do not think it’s all that easy. Even unexpected events are
better than this. If we tried to get rid of them, I don’t know what would
happen to us.”

Turkey’s Terrorists: A CIA
Legacy Lives On

By Lucy Komisar

On November 3,
a truck crashed into a Mercedes Benz in Susurluk, 90 miles south of Istanbul,
and killed three Turkish passengers: a fugitive heroin smuggler and hitman, a
former high-ranking police officer, and a former “Miss Cinema.” The
lone survivor was a rightwing member of parliament. In the car’s trunk, police found
a forged passport, police identification papers, ammunition, silencers and
machine guns.

Catli, the fugitive heroin smuggler, had escaped from a Swiss prison. The dead
beauty queen, Gonca Uz, was his girlfriend.

The police
officer was Huseyin Kocadag, head of a Turkish police academy and a former
Istanbul deputy police chief who reportedly organized hit squads in the
southeast that kill Kurdish guerrillas and their supporters.

The survivor,
Sedat Bucak, a member of parliament from the conservative True Path Party is
reportedly in charge of 2,000 Kurdish mercenaries paid by the government to
fight Kurdish guerrillas.

The car carsh
has created a sensation in Turkey and had led parliament to hold hearings on
the ties linking the True Path Party, the police, and thugs like Abdullah
Catli. Newspapers in Turkey are making connections between what they are
calling the “state gang” and a secret paramilitary force that for
decades has attacked the left. But as Turkish investigators dig, they may come
across one more hidden connection: The United States set up that secret
paramilitary force at the height of the Cold War.

In the 1950s,
the United States was concerned that the Soviet Union would conquer much of
Western Europe. The CIA and the Pentagon came up with a plan to establish
secret resistance groups within various Western European countries that would
fight back against the predicted Soviet occupation. These groups were called
“stay behind” organizations: little cells of paramilitary units that
would take on the Soviets behind enemy lines. Belgium, France, Holland, Greece,
Italy, and Germany have all acknowledged that they participated in the covert

The United
States funded these stay behind groups for decades. Even though there was no
Soviet occupation, some of the groups did take up arms–against leftwing
dissidents in their own countries. Some descendants of these groups are still
at it, especially in Turkey.

Abdullah Catli
was one of these.

accident unveiled the dark liaisons within the state,” former prime
minister Bulent Ecevit told parliament in December. Now leader of a small
opposition social democratic party, Ecevit knows a lot about those liaisons. He
first told me about them–and the American connection–back in 1990, when I
interviewed him in his Ankara office, where he sat in a soft, brown chair
sipping a cherry drink.

Ecevit is a
genial, seventy-one year old man with a high forehead, deep-set eyes, a beakish
nose, curly black hair, and a moustache. The son of a doctor and a painter,
Ecevit is an intellectual and a poet who has translated T.S. Elliot and Ezra
Pound. He graduated from the American-run Robert College and lived in the U.S.
as a student and a journalist. He once led the major social democratic party;
there was a split, and he now heads the smaller of the two.

Ecevit became
prime minister in 1973. He told me he was startled the following year when the
Turkish military high command requested money from the prime minister’s secret
fund to pay for a new headquarters for the Special Warfare Department. General
Semih Sancar, Turkey’s army commander, told him about the department. He said
the Americans had funded it from the start, but now they were allegedly pulling
out. Sancar advised Ecevit not to look too closely at the matter. Ecevit
investigated and found no such organization in the state budget.

are a certain number of volunteer patriots whose names are kept secret and are
engaged for life in this special department,” a military briefer told
Ecevit. “They have hidden arms caches in various parts of the

At the time,
Ecevit worried that these so-called lifetime patriots might have a rightist
slant and would use their weaponry to advance their ideological goals. But he
felt he was in no position to deny them funds. Ecevit’s party was the largest,
but it had won only a third of the votes. He was running a shaky coalition
government. Ecevit released the funds the military wanted and never discussed
the matter with the United States.

But the U.S.
government surely knew about it. It set up the secret stay behind organization
and funded it for more than two decades.

Working out of
the Joint U.S. Military Aid Team headquarters, it was known first as the
Tactical Mobilization Group and then the Special Warfare Department. In 1971,
after a military coup, it was dubbed the counterguerrilla force and turned into
an instrument of terror against the left.

Ugur Mumcu, who was arrested shortly after the coup, wrote later that his
torturers told him, “We are the counterguerrilla. Even the president of
the republic cannot touch us.” (Mumcu, who continued to write in the daily
Cumhuriyet about the counterguerrilla force and about the existence of rightist
drug gangs connected to the government, was killed by a car bomb in 1993.)

of the counterguerrilla force’s existence has come from the highest sources.
Former Army Chief of Staff Gen. Kennan Evren, who led a 1980 coup, wrote in his
memoirs that Suleyman Demirel, now president and in the late 1970s prime
minister, asked then that the Special Warfare Department be used to combat
terrorism. Evren said he refused, but that Demirel had insisted, pointing out
that it had been used in 1971 against subversive activities.

General Evren
acknowledged that the Special Warfare Department was involved in clandestine
activities, citing the murder of nine leftwing militants at Kizildere in
northern Turkey in 1972. He told a newspaper that civilians in the paramilitary
organization run by the department may have been involved in terrorist
incidents in the 1970s without his knowledge. Given the military’s tight
control over security, such ignorance is highly unlikely.

One notorious
terrorist incident the stay behind group may have been involved in occurred on
May Day, 1977, when the major trade union confederation organized a rally that
brought several hundred thousand people to Istanbul’s main Taksim Square. As
the sun was setting, snipers on surrounding buildings started firing at the
speakers’ platform. The crowd panicked. Thirty-eight were killed; hundreds were
injured. The shooting lasted for 20 minutes; several thousand police at the
scene did nothing.

Ecevit, who
was out of office at the time, went to see President Fahri Koruturk and told
him he thought the counterguerrilla force might have carried out the massacre.
“Give me a written statement,” Koruturk answered. He relayed Ecevit’s
fears to Prime Minister Demirel, Ecevit recalled, but nothing came of it.

When he ran
for prime minister in late 1977, Ecevit denounced the counterguerrillas. When
he became prime minister, he told Army Chief of Staff Evren, ‘During the
Kizildere incidents the Special Warfare Section is said to have been used. I am
worried about this civilian organization. There is no means of knowing or
controlling what a young recruit may get up to after twenty years in such an

Evren replied,
“There is nothing to worry about. We will deal with it.” So Ecevit
blocked a parliamentary debate on the issue. At a news conference, he denied
existence of the counterguerrilla group and said his earlier charges were just
suppositions. Signaling his fear of provoking the military, he said, “We
must all be respectful towards the Turkish Armed Forces and help them in the
realization of their desire to remain out of politics.”

Once, when
Ecevit was touring the country, a general in eastern Turkey gave a dinner in
his honor. When Ecevit learned he had worked in the Special Warfare Department,
he told the general, “I have deep suspicians about the civilian extension
of that department.”

civilians work very honestly, very faithfully,” the general assured him.
“There is nothing to be afraid of.”

Ecevit told
him, “Simply as a hypothesis, it’s quite possible, general, that one of
those lifetime patriots might at a certain later date become the party chief of
the Nationalist Action Party which is involved in rightwing terrorism in this
very town.

said the general, “This is the case, but he’s a very nice man.”

By the late
1970’s, violence between the left and right threatened Turkey’s stability. The
chief violent group on the right was the neofascist “Grey Wolves,”
the militant arm of the rightist Nationalist Action Party head by Alparslan
Turkes, a former colonel and a leader of the 1960 military coup.

Our dead
heroin trafficker, Abdallah Catli, was a leader of the Grey Wolves when he was
found guilty in absentia of organizing the 1978 murders of seven student
members of the Turkish Labor Party.

After the car
crash, Turkes admitted that Catli had worked clandestinely for the military and
police, that he had worked “in the framework of a secret service working
for the good of the state.” A former Turkish foreign-ministry adviser and
the head of the intelligence anti-terror unit also told officials conducting
the current parliamentary inquiry that Catli worked for Turkish intelligence.

Minister Tansu Ciller, a leader of the conservative True Path Party, praised
Catli after the crash: “Those who fire bullets or suffer their wounds in
the name of this country, this nation and this state will always be
respectfully remembered by us.”

The rightwing
terrorism Catli was involved in during the late 1970s helped set the stage for
the 1980 military coup, which the generals said was needed to save the country
from anarchy.

After the 1980
coup, several hundred thousand leftists were jailed for three or four years
without trial. Many were tortured. The parliamentary commission has called on
Evren to testify about charges that terror squads were used routinely by the
military junta and participated in roundups of leftists.

By the
mid-80s, the counterguerrillas had a new target; the Kurds. Government security
agencies began using paramilitary death squads against Kurds who started an
armed struggle in 1984. In November 1990, six months after our interview,
Ecevit repeated publicly that a clandestine paramilitary force existed in
Turkey. Three weeks later, the head of the Turkish Army Operations Department
and the commander of the Special Forces issued a statement that there was a
special NATO organization in Turkey called the Special Warfare Department,
whose mission was “to organize resistence in the case of a communist
occupation.” They said its secret member “patriots” were not
connected to the counterguerrillas. The special NATO organization was, of
course, the “stay behind” operation the Americans had started.

In 1992, the
commander of the Special Warfare Department, General Kemal Yilmaz said,
“The department is still active in security operations against armed
members of the PKK (Kurdish Workers Party) in Turkey’s southeastern

The U.S. State
Department’s 1995 human rights report on Turkey was blunt: “Prominent
credible human rights organizations, Kurdish leaders, and local Kurds asserted
that the government acquiesces in, or even carries out, the murders of
civilians.” It said, “Human rights groups reported the widespread and
credible belief that a counterguerrilla group associated with the security
forces had carried out at least some ‘mystery killings.’ ”

The State
Department’s 1996 report on Turkey did not mention the counterguerrillas, but
said that, ” ‘mystery killings,’ continued to occur with disturbing
frequency.” It also said, “The 1995 recommendations of a
parliamentary committee, designed to purge “illegal formations”
within the state which the committee said committed some mystery killings, were
not implemented.”

The Turkish
embassy in Washington said it had no information on these illegal formations.
Meanwhile, the paramilitary commission investigating the Mercedes Benz crash
has recommended prosecuting the lone survivor of the crash, along with
thirty-four others linked to the scandal, including several former police
chiefs and officers. <p

> As for
Washington’s role, Pentagon would not tell me whether it was still providing
funds or other aid to the Special Warfare Department; in fact, it wouldn’t
answer any questions about it. I was told by officials variously that they knew
nothing about it, that it had happened too long ago for there to be any records
available, or that what I described was a CIA operation for which they could
provide no information. One Pentagon historian, said, “Oh, you mean the
‘stay behind’ organization. That’s classified.” </p

The Pope’s

Catli, the fugitive who died in the Mercedes Benz crash, was also connected to
the man who tried to assassinate Pope John Paul II in 1981, Mehmet Ali Agca.

Both were
members of the Grey Wolves. Both had worked together in a previous
assassination effort. In 1979, Ali Agca killed a Turkish newspaper editor.
Catli was in on the plot. When the police arrest Agca, they found a false
passport belonging to Catli.

Catli then
reportedly helped organize Agca’s escape from an Istanbul military prison, and
some have suggested Catli was even involved in the Pope’s assassination

The CIA said
the assassination attempt was the work of the Soviets, through their Bulgarian
allies. This has never been proven, and a much more plausible case can be made
that it was a rightist plot. The Grey Wolves were clearly implicated, and they
are directly related to the Turkish counterguerrilla force.

But why would
a Turkish rightist squad have an interest in assassinating the Pope? The answer
may lie with links between the “stay behind” organizations in various
European countries, which all had a stake in blaming terrorism on the left.

Most is known
about the Italian Gladio, Latin for sword, which worked with the Mafia and
neofascists to prevent Italian communists from taking power through
insurrection or the vote. Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti acknowledged the
existence of the Gladio in testimony before an Italian parliamentary commission
on August 2, 1990. He said Italy had used a “strategy of tension” to
undercut the influence of the legal communist party.

That strategy
was terrorism. The Gladio conducted bombings, and then blamed the bombings on
the left. The assassination attempt on the Pope may have been part of this
strategy of tension.

At the scene
of the Mercedes Benz crash, Turkish investigators found Catli with a fake
passport. “The person on this photo, Mehmet Ozbay, works as a specialist
for the police directorate and he is allowed to carry guns.” Mehmet Ozbay
was an alias–the very same alias that Mehmet Ali Agca had on his own passport.

Lucy Komisar,
a New York journalist, is doing research about Turkey for a book on U.S.
foreign policy and human rights in the 1970s and 80s.