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The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert

Özel Büro Notu : İlgili dokümanları BURADAN indirebilirsiniz. (İngilizce)

National Security
Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2

For more information contact:

202/994-7000 or

Washington, D.C. – An August,
1996, series in the San
Jose Mercury News
by reporter Gary Webb linked the origins of crack
cocaine in California to the contras, a guerrilla force backed by the Reagan
administration that attacked Nicaragua’s Sandinista government during the
1980s. Webb’s series, “The Dark Alliance,” has been the subject of intense media debate,
and has focused attention on a foreign policy drug scandal that leaves many
questions unanswered.

This electronic briefing book is compiled from
declassified documents obtained by the National Security Archive, including the
notebooks kept by NSC aide and Iran-contra figure Oliver North, electronic mail
messages written by high-ranking Reagan administration officials, memos
detailing the contra war effort, and FBI and DEA reports. The documents
demonstrate official knowledge of drug operations, and collaboration with and
protection of known drug traffickers. Court and hearing transcripts are also

Special thanks to the Arca Foundation,
the Ruth Mott Fund, the Samuel Rubin Foundation, and the Fund for
Constitutional Government for their support.



Bueso Rosa

on the document icon next to each description to view the document.

of Official U.S. Knowledge of Drug Trafficking and the Contras

National Security Archive obtained the hand-written notebooks of Oliver North,
the National Security Council aide who helped run the contra war and other
Reagan administration covert operations, through a Freedom of Information Act
lawsuit filed in 1989. The notebooks, as well as declassified memos sent to
North, record that North was repeatedly informed of contra ties to drug

In his entry for August 9, 1985, North
summarizes a meeting with Robert Owen (“Rob”), his liaison with the
contras. They discuss a plane used by Mario Calero, brother of Adolfo Calero,
head of the FDN, to transport supplies from New Orleans to contras in Honduras.
North writes: “Honduran DC-6 which is being used for runs out of New
Orleans is probably being used for drug runs into U.S.” As Lorraine Adams
reported in the October 22, 1994 Washington Post, there are no records
that corroborate North’s later assertion that he passed this intelligence on
drug trafficking to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration.

In a July 12, 1985 entry, North noted a call
from retired Air Force general Richard Secord in which the two discussed a
Honduran arms warehouse from which the contras planned to purchase weapons.
(The contras did eventually buy the arms, using money the Reagan administration
secretly raised from Saudi Arabia.) According to the notebook, Secord told
North that “14 M to finance [the arms in the warehouse] came from

An April 1, 1985 memo from Robert Owen
(code-name: “T.C.” for “The Courier”) to Oliver North
(code-name: “The Hammer”) describes contra operations on the Southern
Front. Owen tells North that FDN leader Adolfo Calero (code-name:
“Sparkplug”) has picked a new Southern Front commander, one of the
former captains to Eden Pastora who has been paid to defect to the FDN. Owen
reports that the officials in the new Southern Front FDN units include
“people who are questionable because of past indiscretions,” such as
José Robelo, who is believed to have “potential involvement with drug
running” and Sebastian Gonzalez, who is “now involved in drug running
out of Panama.”

On February 10, 1986, Owen (“TC”)
wrote North (this time as “BG,” for “Blood and Guts”)
regarding a plane being used to carry “humanitarian aid” to the
contras that was previously used to transport drugs. The plane belongs to the
Miami-based company Vortex, which is run by Michael Palmer, one of the largest
marijuana traffickers in the United States. Despite Palmer’s long history of
drug smuggling, which would soon lead to a Michigan indictment on drug charges,
Palmer receives over $300,000.00 from the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Aid Office
(NHAO) — an office overseen by Oliver North, Assistant Secretary of State for
Inter-American Affairs Elliott Abrams, and CIA officer Alan Fiers — to ferry
supplies to the contras.

State Department contracts from February 1986
detail Palmer’s work to transport material to the contras on behalf of the

that NSC Staff Supported Using Drug Money to Fund the Contras

1987, the Senate Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International
Operations, led by Senator John Kerry, launched an investigation of allegations
arising from reports, more than a decade ago, of contra-drug links. One of the
incidents examined by the “Kerry Committee” was an effort to divert
drug money from a counternarcotics operation to the contra war.

On July 28, 1988, two DEA agents testified
before the House Subcommittee on Crime regarding a sting operation conducted
against the Medellin Cartel. The two agents said that in 1985 Oliver North had
wanted to take $1.5 million in Cartel bribe money that was carried by a DEA
informant and give it to the contras. DEA officials rejected the idea.

The Kerry Committee report concluded that
“senior U.S. policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was
a perfect solution to the Contras’ funding problems.”

Officials and Major Traffickers


June, 1986, the New York Times published articles detailing years of Panamanian
leader Manuel Noriega’s collaboration with Colombian drug traffickers. Reporter
Seymour Hersh wrote that Noriega “is extensively involved in illicit money
laundering and drug activities,” and that an unnamed White House official
“said the most significant drug running in Panama was being directed by
General Noriega.” In August, Noriega, a long-standing U.S. intelligence
asset, sent an emissary to Washington to seek assistance from the Reagan
administration in rehabilitating his drug-stained reputation.

Oliver North, who met with Noriega’s
representative, described the meeting in an August 23, 1986 e-mail message to
Reagan national security advisor John Poindexter. “You will recall that
over the years Manuel Noriega in Panama and I have developed a fairly good
relationship,” North writes before explaining Noriega’s proposal. If U.S.
officials can “help clean up his image” and lift the ban on arms sales
to the Panamanian Defense Force, Noriega will “‘take care of’ the
Sandinista leadership for us.”

North tells Poindexter that Noriega can assist
with sabotage against the Sandinistas, and suggests paying Noriega a million
dollars — from “Project Democracy” funds raised from the sale of
U.S. arms to Iran — for the Panamanian leader’s help in destroying Nicaraguan
economic installations.

The same day Poindexter responds with an
e-mail message authorizing North to meet secretly with Noriega. “I have
nothing against him other than his illegal activities,” Poindexter writes.

On the following day, August 24, North’s notebook
records a meeting with CIA official Duane “Dewey” Clarridge on
Noriega’s overture. They decided, according to this entry, to “send word
back to Noriega to meet in Europe or Israel.”

The CIA’s Alan Fiers later recalls North’s
involvement with the Noriega sabotage proposal. In testimony at the 1992 trial
of former CIA official Clair George, Fiers describes North’s plan as it was
discussed at a meeting of the Reagan administration’s Restricted Interagency
Group: “[North] made a very strong suggestion that . . . there needed to
be a resistance presence in the western part of Nicaragua, where the resistance
did not operate. And he said, ‘I can arrange to have General Noriega execute
some insurgent — some operations there — sabotage operations in that area. It
will cost us about $1 million. Do we want to do it?’ And there was significant
silence at the table. And then I recall I said, ‘No. We don’t want to do

Senior officials ignored Fiers’ opinion. On
September 20, North informed Poindexter via e-mail that “Noriega wants to
meet me in London” and that both Elliott Abrams and Secretary of State
George Shultz support the initiative. Two days later, Poindexter authorized the
North/Noriega meeting.

North’s notebook lists details of his meeting
with Noriega, which took place in a London hotel on September 22. According to
the notes, the two discussed developing a commando training program in Panama,
with Israeli support, for the contras and Afghani rebels. They also spoke of
sabotaging major economic targets in the Managua area, including an airport, an
oil refinery, and electric and telephone systems. (These plans were apparently
aborted when the Iran-Contra scandal broke in November 1986.)

Bueso Rosa

administration officials interceded on behalf of José Bueso Rosa, a Honduran
general who was heavily involved with the CIA’s contra operations and faced
trial for his role in a massive drug shipment to the United States. In 1984
Bueso and co-conspirators hatched a plan to assassinate Honduran President
Roberto Suazo Córdoba; the plot was to be financed with a $40 million cocaine
shipment to the United States, which the FBI intercepted in Florida.

Declassified e-mail messages indicate that
Oliver North led the behind-the-scenes effort to seek leniency for Bueso . The
messages record the efforts of U.S. officials to “cabal quietly” to
get Bueso off the hook, be it by “pardon, clemency, deportation, [or]
reduced sentence.” Eventually they succeeded in getting Bueso a short
sentence in “Club Fed,” a white collar prison in Florida.

The Kerry Committee report reviewed the case,
and noted that the man Reagan officials aided was involved in a conspiracy that
the Justice Department deemed the “most significant case of
narco-terrorism yet discovered.”


In February 1987 a contra sympathizer in
California told the FBI he believed FDN officials were involved in the drug
trade. Dennis Ainsworth, a Berkeley-based conservative activist who had
supported the contra cause for years, gave a lengthy description of his
suspicions to FBI agents. The bureau’s debriefing says that Ainsworth agreed to
be interviewed because “he has certain information in which he believes
the Nicaraguan ‘Contra’ organization known as FDN (Frente Democrático Nacional)
has become more involved in selling arms and cocaine for personal gain than in
a military effort to overthrow the current Nicaraguan Sandinista Government.”
Ainsworth informed the FBI of his extensive contacts with various contra
leaders and backers, and explained the basis for his belief that members of the
FDN were trafficking in drugs.

A DEA report of February 6, 1984 indicates
that a central figure in the San Jose Mercury News series was being
tracked by U.S. law enforcement officials as early as 1976, when a DEA agent
“identified Norwin MENESES-Canterero as a cocaine source of supply in
Managua, Nicaragua.” Meneses, an associate of dictator Anastasio Somoza
who moved to California after the Nicaraguan revolution in 1979, was an FDN
backer and large-scale cocaine trafficker.

of Fabio Ernesto Carrasco, 6 April 1990

On October 31, 1996, the Washington Post
ran a follow up story to the San Jose Mercury News series titled
“CIA, Contras and Drugs: Questions on Links Linger.” The story drew
on court testimony in 1990 of Fabio Ernesto Carrasco, a pilot for a major
Columbian drug smuggler named George Morales. As a witness in a drug trial,
Carrasco testified that in 1984 and 1985, he piloted planes loaded with weapons
for contras operating in Costa Rica. The weapons were offloaded, and then drugs
stored in military bags were put on the planes which flew to the United States.
“I participated in two [flights] which involved weapons and cocaine at the
same time,” he told the court.

Carrasco also testified that Morales provided
“several million dollars” to Octaviano Cesar and Adolfo “Popo”
Chamorro, two rebel leaders working with the head of the contras’ southern
front, Eden Pastora. The Washington Post reported that Chamorro said he
had called his CIA control officer to ask if the contras could accept money and
arms from Morales, who was at the time under indictment for cocaine smuggling.
“They said [Morales] was fine,” Chamorro told the Post.

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